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Victory, What Victory Morgan?: Zimbabwean opposition hasty leader's baseless claim

 
     
April 11, 2008

Since polling stations closed on March 29, the British government and the myriad of organisations it sponsors, among them MDC-Tsvangirai, have been claiming victory over Zanu-PF that one is left wondering who really squared off against Zanu-PF in this election.

Was Zanu-PF battling MDC-T, MDC, and the other fringe parties or much bigger forces out of the line of vision?

Reading and watching copy from the Western media, one would be forgiven for thinking that little Zimbabwe was at war with the entire Western hemisphere, and it had just surrendered, but more on that latter.

The other question that begs an answer is what do those in MDC-T mean when they say they "won" the elections when all they have to show is a two-seat advantage over Zanu-PF in the House of Assembly, whereas Zanu-PF has a six-seat advantage over MDC-T in the Upper House of Parliament, the Senate.

While we know that the House of Assembly is considered the centre of legislative power, all who are familiar with parliamentary business can testify that there is nothing the House of Assembly can do without the approval of the Senate which is supposed to provide quality control on Bills from the Lower House.

And though in the event of a dispute, the Lower House carries the day after a certain specified time period, MDC-T simply does not have the numbers to do that.

What is more, reports of vote tampering that have prompted Zanu-PF to challenge results in 21 constituencies are likely to dent MDC-T's two-seat cushion, and may actually see the scales tip in favour of Zanu-PF.

So what victory was Tsvangirai talking about?

Then there is the issue of the three by-elections, which may be split evenly as Gwanda South Zanu-PF, Pelandaba-Mpopoma MDC and Redcliff MDC-T, which means MDC-T does not stand a good chance of stretching its lead on the back of those by-elections.

If anything, Tsvangirai and his camp must pray hard that no by-elections come in any of the rural constituencies they won courtesy of the Zanu-PF syndrome of imposing candidates, for the Zakas and Gutus will surely come back to Shake-Shake building, Zanu-PF headquarters.

For those not in the know, MDC-T won 99 seats to Zanu-PF's 97 with MDC -- led by Arthur Mutambara -- getting the other 10 seats while for Mavambo, the envisaged beginning was apparently the end as Simba Makoni and gang got zilch, nix, nada or zero seats.

Many believe the votes Simba got in the presidential contest came courtesy of Mutambara's endorsement.

Even Edgar "Twoboy" Tekere, for all his fury, got nothing in his perceived stronghold of Mutare, summing up the story of mavambo akava magumo (the beginning that was the end).

The story was the same in the Senate where Zanu-PF garnered 30 of the 60 seats on offer with MDC-T getting 24 and MDC 6.

The picture, however, gets interesting when one considers that in addition to the 60 directly elected Senators and the President and the Deputy President of the Council of Chiefs, the Senate will be made up of 10 Provincial Governors, 16 Chiefs and 5 Presidential appointees. With all indications pointing to the fact that the president who will do the appointing will be Cde R. G. Mugabe after sweeping aside Tsvangirai's challenge in the envisaged run-off, MDC-T has nothing to celebrate indeed.

This will bring the total number of Senators to 93 and of these, at least 63 will obviously bear allegiance to Zanu-PF and its quest for self-determination. As such, when it comes to the crunch, the Zanu-PF vote in the Upper House will outstrip MDC-T three-fold.

So which victory is Tsvangirai talking about?

Even when looking at the popular vote, it is evident that Zanu-PF beat MDC-T in both Houses amassing 45,94 percent of the vote to MDC-T's 43,56 in the Senate; and 45,94 percent to 42,88 in the House of Assembly suffrage. Put simply, more people voted for Zanu-PF than MDC-T.

So which victory is Tsvangirai talking about?

It is important to note that Zanu-PF's total does not include the two House of Assembly and Senate constituencies it won unopposed when Cdes Edward Raradza and Damien Mumvuri were unchallenged in Muzarabani and Rushinga constituencies when Nomination Courts closed in February.

The votes in these constituencies will, however, be reflected in the presidential poll, which will push Zanu-PF's share of the vote even higher.

So again, which victory is Tsvangirai talking about?

It is simply inconceivable for Tsvangirai to believe that he won the presidential election, let alone the entire poll, when figures are in favour of Zanu-PF.

Judging by the results from the two Houses of Parliament, Zanu-PF and the opposition are just sharing power at the moment as there is no outright winner.

What is more, Zanu-PF swept the majority of the wards that were on offer in the municipal elections, having had a headstart of 400 wards won unopposed out of 2 000 throughout the country.

So what victory is Tsvangirai talking about?

Anyway, some may say it is no longer business as usual for Zanu-PF in the House of Assembly, but then Zanu-PF made good use of the two-thirds majority it had in the last parliament to ensure that all the laws needed to ensure comprehensive empowerment for the people were passed and signed before the dissolution of Parliament.

Take land, for instance, Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment (No. 17) Act ensured that the land reform programme was consolidated by making all land gazetted for resettlement from 2000 State property and providing compensation only for improvements made on the farms.

What is more, resettled farmers have since been given and have signed 99-year lease agreements guaranteeing them security of tenure for a century or more.

The lease agreements are legally binding on any and all successive governments. As such, Tsvangirai's irrational promise to his white overlords that he will reverse the land reform programme will bring him a lot of heartache in the unlikely event he becomes head of state and government.

The Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment Act was signed into law before the elections, and stipulates that all businesses in Zimbabwe and any new investments must ensure majority shareholding, 51 percent or more, for black Zimbabweans.

This Act set the stage for the entrance of black people into those sectors of the economy, among them manufacturing and mining, that were being dominated mainly by British-owned companies.

Therefore, as far as Zanu-PF's vision is concerned, this new-look Parliament may as well go to sleep because all the laws needed to pursue economic empowerment are in place.

So what victory is Tsvangirai and his handlers harping about?

Unless, of course, they are claiming victory over the illegal sanctions that have made life so hard that even the rural voter was forced to cast protest votes against the Government.

That "victory" they can claim, for they have stubbornly defied the progressive world's opinion on the illegal sanctions that are, in effect, a blatant violation of international law having been imposed outside the purview of the United Nations Security Council.

But then the sanctions may in the end turn out to be a blessing in disguise for Zimbabwe as they have made the country remember the all-weather friends it appeared to have forgotten during its ruinous flirtation with the West.

The Look East Policy is bringing in partners on a win-win basis, and soon, very soon, even the sanctions will be busted.

This writer just hopes it occurs before the next elections. Tsvangirai and his allies must eat humble pie before the world, beginning with the run-off.

 
  Source: esinislam.com + Agencies  

 

 

 

 

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