Rejectionism And Doctrine Of Stalemates: Zimbabwe And Global Politics

18 February 2010

By Reason Wafawarova

MDC-T spokesperson’s position on the Global Political Agreement negotiations and the workability of the idea of the inclusive Government, in which he is Information Communication Technology Minister; has always been an expression of a pertinacious obstinacy where declaration of deadlocks and stalemates have become part and parcel of the young minister’s odious character.

From the early days of negotiations in South Africa, all the way to the current position of the so-called "outstanding issues", Nelson Chamisa has always chosen to posture as this uncompromising rejectionist with an unquenchable addiction to stalemates.

To him Zanu-PF does not deserve an agreement but a permanent rejection of whatever they stand for, that by way of dogmatic doctrinal commitment that has no regard for logic.

Zimbabweans have lost count of how many deadlocks and "logjams" Chamisa has declared since talks of an inclusive Government began in 2008, and his latest statement declaring one such stalemate and a call for an election must be viewed in its correct political context.

According to the MDC-T’s Western backers, the GPA is an empowerment tool for Morgan Tsvangirai’s party and a document of rejection for Zanu-PF.

In the view of Western elites, the GPA accords no rights to one of the contenting parties — Zanu-PF, and that position must make sense in the context of this resolve to "see the back of Mugabe" for "anything to work in Zimbabwe."

That is what the Canadian prime minister thinks.

The GPA is being treated exactly the same way UN Resolution 242 was treated after the June 1967 Israel-Arab war.

Although the resolution was understood by its authors to mean complete withdrawal of Israel from Gaza and other newly-occupied territories, Israel and the United States have since that time insisted on a different meaning altogether.

In fact, even the United States initially held the shared meaning of the resolution as its official policy until 1971, when president Anwar al-Sadat of Egypt offered Israel peace if they withdrew from Egyptian territory.

When this was rejected by Israel on the basis that "Israel will not withdraw to the pre-June 1967 lines", the US immediately shifted their policy, abandoning the international consensus it had helped to forge and joining Israel in rejecting UN 242 in favour of what Henry Kissinger called the "doctrine of stalemate".

Since that time, diplomacy has followed two distinct paths; the international consensus based on UN 242 and the US-Israeli programme of revising UN 242 to require only partial withdrawal.

That very narrow spectrum has remained the official Israeli policy and stands unchanged up to today.

It is a position that is guided by the basic condition that Israel should take over the usable lands and resources of the occupied territories, but without any responsibility for the affected population, who are to be marginalised and if possible dispersed or eliminated.

That is the quintessential doctrine behind the backing MDC-T is receiving from the West right now.

The basic condition is that Tsvangirai and his team should take over control of the inclusive Government with very little or no regard to Zanu-PF, regardless of the fact that both parties are tied on a 100 seats each in the Lower House, and that Zanu-PF leads MDC-T by a clear six seats in the Upper House.

There are two distinct paths being followed by the diplomacy of the Zimbabwe power sharing arrangement right now.

There is the international consensus that is guaranteed by Sadc and the AU and there is the US/UK-MDC-T programme of revising the GPA to demand issues that are not part of the signed agreement.

It is on this issue that MDC-T has to emulate Israel and maintain this narrow spectrum that says unless the MDC-T’s long list of demands is adhered to by Zanu-PF, then there is a stalemate.

There is no responsibility for the wishes of the voters that gave Zanu-PF 100 seats in the Lower House and 30 seats in Senate.

All there is, is some baseless talk that MDC-T is the "majority party" in the country, even after coming second best in the most popular vote in March 2008.

Chamisa’s role, which he may as well be playing inadvertently, is to keep shouting positions of stalemates and deadlocks so that the West can have an excuse for destabilising the current establishment in Zimbabwe.

The EU’s latest position to extend the illegal economic sanctions on Zimbabwe, and not to engage "either Zanu-PF or MDC" until the "return of democracy" is just part of this doctrine of rejectionism and the strategy of stalemates, directly borrowed from a long tradition of US foreign policy.

The addition of MDC in the same sentence with Zanu-PF by the EU in its draft statement on Zimbabwe sanctions is a belated clever duck from the disastrous ramifications of David Miliband’s statement that the EU and the UK would lift sanctions on the basis of "above all" the advice of MDC-T.

This placed all liability for the effect of the illegal and ruinous sanctions right on Morgan Tsvangirai’s shoulders and the man himself went public saying he had made it clear to Miliband that his utterances were "unfortunate".

No serious political analyst will believe for once that the EU will stop engaging MDC-T. It is like the US saying they will not engage Israel and Palestine until the return of peace.

Just like the rights of Palestinians are considered of no merit in the US-Israel conception, the rights of Zanu-PF politicians are of no merit at all.

The party can be unjustly demonised by the UK/US-sponsored pirate radio stations operating from Madagascar and Botswana and their appeal for a stop to the slanderous attacks is viewed with ruthless disdain.

It is the public media in Zimbabwe that are vilified for failure to join Western-sponsored MDC-T propaganda mouthpieces in baselessly smearing the name of Zanu-PF and its leadership.

The terms "human rights", "democracy" or "rule of law" are now used routinely — not for what they mean but to express whatever Washington advocates. This in reality must mean that unless the MDC-T comes to power in Zimbabwe, there will be no "human rights", no "democracy" and no "rule of law".

It is the same as the position that unless Palestinians agree to US-Israeli terms then there is no "peace process".

Respecting "human rights" means accepting the West’s terms. In the book "World Orders: New and Old", Noam Chomsky says of these terminologies, "Given the overwhelming power of the United States, these terminological conventions have by now been adopted quite generally, a propaganda victory of no slight import."

MDC-T’s rejectionist stand will continue to receive Western backing because it is an instruction from the West, only taken too well by people like Nelson Chamisa and his boss, Mr Morgan Tsvangirai.

The vainglorious attempt by the EU to portray this sense of distance from the MDC-T is a laughable diplomatic stunt that makes powerful countries like Germany and France look so clownish.

It may not be too long before some of these countries begin to break ranks with Britain.

The US/UK obsession with the domestic politics of Zimbabwe is beginning to cost the EU its integrity and at the rate things are happening, it may just be a matter of time before there is a public fall out over the EU policy on Zimbabwe.

Any pragmatic person will appreciate that land that was repossessed from white commercial farmers since 2000 is gone and gone for good.

There is no possibility of any reversal to the land reform programme, and potential investors that have been made to stay away from Zimbabwe by Western politicians are beginning to lose patience with this coerced act of solidarity.

To people like Chamisa, the only chance of an end to "deadlocks" and "logjams" will be the demise of Zanu-PF and the earlier Zanu-PF understands this doctrine of stalemates the better for their strategising.

There are a lot of people out there who do not care whether or not the MDC-T or Zanu-PF is in power, but are keen to do business with Zimbabwe in the true sense of investment.

These cannot continue to wait forever for an MDC-T government that may never happen, at the rate things are happening in Zimbabwe.

 

 

 

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