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Writers Articles And Opinions |
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16 February 2010 By Stephen
Lendman
In December 1984, Canada's
conservative prime minister, Brian Mulroney, told the
New York Economic Club that "Canada is open for
business," meaning US companies were welcome, the two
countries would work for greater economic integration,
America's sovereignty took precedence of his own, and
corporate interests from both countries could operate
freely at the expense of most Canadians.
That's always been Haiti's curse,
now more than ever. Under American militarized
control, Haiti is occupied for profit, its pseudo
government largely invisible, and predators aim to
cash in to the fullest. On January 21, in his article
titled, "Securing disaster in Haiti," Peter Hallward
explained, saying:
"....the US-led relief operation
has conformed to the three fundamental tendencies that
have shaped the more general course of the island's
recent history. It has adopted military priorities and
strategies. It has sidelined Haiti's own leaders and
government, and ignored the needs of the majority of
its people. And it has proceeded in ways that
reinforce the already harrowing gap between rich and
poor. All three tendencies aren't just connected, they
are mutually reinforcing. (They'll also) govern the
imminent reconstruction effort as well, unless
determined political action is taken to counteract
them."
Post-quake, conditions on the
ground are horrific. Three million or more Haitians
are affected. Most are displaced and struggling.
Essential aid is obstructed and limited. Hundreds of
thousands are being removed from the capital, not to
help them, to "cleanse" the area for development. The
official estimated death toll tops 230,000, over
300,000 are injured, and AP reported (on February 9)
that the "Health crisis in Haiti enter(ed) a deadly
new phase," the result of "a half-million (or more)
people jammed into germ-breeding makeshift camps"
where a health emergency is already apparent in the
form of malnutrition, diarrheal illnesses, acute
respiratory (and other) infections, at least one
reported typhoid case, and fears of possible outbreaks
of tetanus, measles, TB, malaria, dengue fever,
diphtheria, acute flaccid paralysis, meningococcal
meningitis, rabies, and other infectious diseases,
including water-borne ones, particularly threatening
children.
Independent reports cite
outbreaks of tetanus, TB, diarrhea, scabies, ringworm
and growing depravation, misery and anger, mostly
unreported in the mainstream that instead focuses on
disease containment and improving conditions. Daily,
conditions are worse, not better, threatening a far
greater disaster ahead.
Given the widespread depravation,
the obstruction of food, clean water, and temporary
shelter, and lack of proper sanitation, infectious
disease outbreaks may cause biblical levels of more
deaths ahead, perhaps raising the toll to from 500,000
- one million Haitians, a scale definable as
genocide.
The Genocide Convention defines
it as "any of the following acts committed with intent
to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical,
racial or religious group (including) causing serious
bodily or mental harm (and) deliberately inflicting on
the group conditions of life calculated to bring about
its physical destruction in whole or in part...."
US forces control everything -
Haiti's airport, port facilities, the Presidential
Palace, and other strategic locations. They patrol
Port-au-Prince streets menacingly with heavy weapons.
In late January, police beat people, and UN Blue
Helmets fired rubber bullets, tear gas and pepper
spray at hungry Haitians wanting food, a likely
precursor to graver confrontations ahead as desperate
people seek it to survive. One Haitian told a
reporter: "They treat us like animals, they beat us,
but we are hungry people."
On February 7, the 19th
anniversary of Jean-Bertrand Aristide first
inauguration, his supporters commemorated the event as
they do every year, calling for his return, denouncing
the occupation, condemning the lack of food and other
aid, and the corruption exacerbating the problem along
with America's obstruction to let desperate people
suffer and expire.
A month after the quake,
inadequate amounts of everything are being
distributed. Residents in poor areas like Cite Soleil
have gotten virtually nothing and were in desperate
straits pre-disaster. On February 8, thousands marched
through Petionville, a Port-au-Prince suburb,
denouncing what's occurring throughout stricken areas
- mayors and other officials hoarding food and selling
it at inflated black market prices, not distributing
it to starving Haitians.
One protestor said: "I am hungry,
I am dying of hunger. (Mayor) Lydie Parent keeps the
rice and doesn't give us anything."
Haitian-truth.org said Haitian
customs agents are charging people arriving with aid
fees to deliver it. Otherwise, their supplies will be
held indefinitely.
AlJazeera and other sources
reported fake coupons being used for free food, to be
sold on the black market at inflated prices.
On February 10, AP reported that
public and private hospitals are charging patients, UN
officials warning free medications won't be sent to
ones that do. Christophe Rerat of the UN's Pan
American Health Organization said they got about $1
million worth of free drugs, supplied by donations,
and all medical care is to be provided without charge.
Donated funds are also paying staff.
On February 11, rain and growing
frustration sparked spontaneous street protests
denouncing President Rene Preval's inaction, calling
for Aristide's return, and demanding food, clean water
and tents for shelter. Club wielding police met
marchers. Scuffles followed. Minor injuries were
reported. A sign read: "The rain has soaked us. The
MINUSTAH must go. We need help. We need aid."
Shelter from the elements is
needed as the rainy season approaches, and with it the
greater threat of disease. Reportedly 10,000 tents
have arrived, not the 200,000 the government requested
and hundreds of thousands more needed.
OCHA reports that 90% of affected
Haitians need emergency shelter, over 1.2 million are
in "spontaneous settlements," and nearly half a
million "have left Port-au-Prince for outlying" areas.
Most of them, in fact, have been forced into permanent
displacement, the same fate planned for hundreds of
thousands more.
Sanitation is a major concern. At
most, 5% of needed latrines are available, and the
lack of dumping sites for waste is also a huge
problem. With the arrival of thousands of people along
the Dominican Republic border, "the food security
situation, which was already precarious prior to the
earthquake, is getting worse...."
The Nutrition Cluster expects the
Global Acute Malnutrition (GAM) rate to soar given
conditions on the ground throughout the country. In
addition, months of rain "will increase morbidity
rates for childhood diseases while hunger is expected
to be especially severe....Delays in incoming stock
pipelines must be addressed to ensure a steady influx
of needed items."
The problem is relief supplies
are warehoused at Haiti's airport, ports and other
facilities, not adequately distributed, so willful
obstruction is exacerbating the crisis. People are
starving. Diseases are becoming epidemics. Everything
is in short supply, and OCHA reports only 10% of
trauma injuries have been treated.
Yet the web site reliefweb.int
shows $569.8 million in relief already donated (as of
February 14), or 99% of the appeal's goal and certain
to way exceed it. Where has the money gone? Who's
getting it, and why hasn't an amount this great
delivered significant aid? Disturbing questions demand
answers. Why aren't they forthcoming? It's because
Haiti is being prepared for plunder, and NGOs,
including charities, will get their fair share.
NGOs Defined
The web site ngo.org defines them
as follows:
"A non-governmental organization
(NGO) is any non-profit, voluntary citizens' group
which is organized on a local, national or
international level. Task-oriented and driven by
people with a common interest, NGOs perform a variety
of service and humanitarian policies and encourage
political participation through provision of
information. Some are organized around specific
issues, such as human rights, environment or health.
They provide analysis and expertise, serve as early
warning mechanisms and help monitor and implement
international agreements. Their relationship with
offices and agencies of the United Nations system
differs depending on their goals, their venue and the
mandate of a particular institution."
A paper prepared by the Harvard
Kennedy School of Government's L. David Brown and Mark
H. Moore titled, "Accountability, Strategy, and
International Non-Governmental Organizations" quotes
Anna Vakil's five NGO "functional categories: welfare,
develop (in the sense of capacity-building), advocacy,
development education, and networking or research."
Various other definitions include
the following characteristics:
-- local, national or
international in scope;
-- non-governmental;
-- non-profit;
-- staffed by unpaid volunteers;
-- non-political; and
-- advancing social, humanitarian
objectives.
Some NGOs do. Most don't as James
Petras explained on The Lendman News Hour saying most
skim 90% of donations for themselves. Some genuinely
enhance welfare, support human and civil rights, and
mitigate the ravages of disease and repression. The
large majority, however, are ideologically biased
think tanks or lobby groups, serving a political
agenda for profit. They're predators, not
humanitarians.
In his December 1997 Monthly
Review article titled, "Imperialism and NGOs in Latin
America," Petras discussed their early 1970s history
under military dictatorships when they actively
supported their victims and denounced human rights
abuses. Even then, however, their limitations were
evident as "they rarely denounced the US and European
patrons who financed" them. Nor did they "link the
neoliberal economic policies and human rights
violations to the new turn in the imperialist system.
Obviously" their funding limits their ability to
criticize.
Yet as neoliberal regimes "devastat(ed)
communities (through) cheap imports, extracting
external debt payments, abolishing labor legislation,
and creating a" reserve army of cheap labor, NGOs were
well funded "to be their 'community
face'....intimately related to those at the top and
complementing their destructive work with local
projects." In other words, NGOs are profiteers with a
friendly face acting as predatory capitalism's agents.
When they take over, social movements decline, and
that's the whole idea for their presence.
Nearly all have entrenched
bureaucracies, highly paid officials, secret
operational rules, and undisclosed financing sources
and amounts, mostly from domestic or foreign nations
whose interests they serve, including for PR,
intelligence, or population control, not providing
humanitarian services.
They all claim non-profit status,
yet operate unethically, collude with governments or
business interests, profit handsomely, own unrelated
businesses, and exploit people they claim to serve.
In many countries, they're the preferred choice for
Western aid and emergency relief, providing cover for
an imperial agenda and cashing in handsomely,
especially after disasters like wars and their
aftermath, floods, famines and earthquakes.
Haiti is called "the Republic of
NGOs," with over 10,000 operating (according to World
Bank estimates) for its nine million people, the
highest per capita presence worldwide in all sectors
of activity and society, many with sizable budgets.
Yet their numbers beg the question. With that abundant
firepower, why is Haiti the poorest country in the
hemisphere, one of the poorest in the world, and one
of the most oppressed? Why were so many Haitians
starving pre-quake? Why now are conditions
catastrophic and worsening?
NGO proliferation mirrored the
atrophy of Haiti's government, providing cover for
imperial interests with UN paramilitary and now US
combat troop occupiers for enforcement, Haitians, of
course, suffering as they have for over 500 years.
Profiteering
from Misery
In his book titled, "Travesty in
Haiti: A true account of Christian missions,
orphanages, fraud, food aid and drug trafficking,"
Timothy Schwartz recounts an "anthropologist's
personal story of working with foreign aid agencies
(the NGO network) and discovering that fraud, greed,
corruption, apathy, and political agendas permeate the
industry," part of the reason behind Haiti's
institutionalized oppression, poverty and misery.
According to Haitian
lawyer/activist Marguerite Laurent:
"It's laughably idealistic to
wish for accountability, honesty, grace and dignity
from the folks at USAID, World Bank, the Christian
missions and those 'doing good' in Haiti for more than
a-half century now," when, in fact, most come to
exploit, seeking profits, not a desire to provide
humanitarian services.
"Schwartz's book unveils
paradoxes and lots of critical data on foreign aid,
mission schools, orphanages, and the world's major
multinational charities working in Haiti." He reveals
a nation "you'll not read about in current mainstream
books and papers on Haiti." Nor through the major
media that ignore over 500 years of enslavement,
colonization, serfdom, severe exploitation and
oppression, and brutalizing misery, the last two
centuries under US domination.
The book is an "inside story,"
said Schwartz, about "fraud, greed, corruption, and
apathy, and political agendas (as well as a) story of
failed agriculture, health and credit projects;
violent struggles for control over aid money; corrupt
orphanage owners, pastors, and missionaries; the
nepotistic manipulation of research funds;
economically counterproductive food relief programs
that undermine the Haitian agricultural economy; and
the disastrous effects of economic engineering by
foreign governments and international aid
organizations (like USAID, World Bank and others), and
the multinational corporate charities....in their
service (like CARE International, Catholic Relief
Services, World Vision, and many others) that have
programs spread across the globe, moving in response
not only to disasters and need, but political agendas
and economic opportunity."
He saw it for over 10 years,
researching and living in Haiti. He stresses not
wanting to damage charity providers, just those in it
for personal gain, not people they profess to help.
"At the level of individuals and
NGOS, the lack of fiscal accountability is manifest in
the enrichment of the custodians of the money -
pastors and directors of NGOs, schools and orphanages
- and the redirection of charity toward middle and
upper class Haitians," the very ones who don't need
it. At governmental levels, "Charity is manipulated to
serve political ends."
Without accountability,
corruption gets embedded, aid is distorted, and ends
up doing more harm than good, precisely according to
plan. For example, Haiti's School for Jesus Christ of
America "was a nest of elites (disdaining) and
spurn(ing) the impoverished peasants, fishermen, and
slum dwellers, (calling) them ignorant and
uncivilized, as subhuman, who called them dan wouj
(red teeth) and pye pete (cracked fee)...."
"The impoverished children in the
Hamlet could not get medical care," and what they got
was poor quality for exorbitant fees. At the same
time, elite children were treated free and their
education paid for, using funds meant for the poor.
Visiting missionaries called the school administrators
"dedicated spreaders of biblical truth, somehow holier
than ordinary Christians, closer to God, better than
the rest of us." In fact, they're predators,
profiteering from Haiti's poor and living lavishly at
their expense. Their mission, in fact, is bogus.
"Helping the poor? The hell they were!"
CARE is no different, "a
perversion of American charitable ideals with its
false claims to be aiding the 'poorest of the poor'
when what it was really doing was throwing exquisite
banquets at plush hotels while carrying out US
political policy in the interest of international
venture capitalists and industrialists."
Child
Trafficking in Haiti
This section deals with abducted
children for profit, not Haiti's century-long Restavek
system covered in an earlier article titled, "Child
Slavery in Haiti." Under it, impoverished families
send one or more of their children to live with
wealthier or less poor ones in return for food,
shelter, education, and a better life in return for
performing tasks as servants. They, in fact, become de
facto slaves subjected to verbal and physical abuse.
Trafficking children for profit
is another matter, another scam. Operatives
representing orphanages or adoption agencies approach
poor families, offer money, promise their children
will be well cared for and educated, then disappear
them. None are ever heard from again.
According to Schwartz:
"Not one of the families ever
received a single letter from the agency or from any
of the adoptive parents. An SOS (Enfants Without
Frontiers) employee obtained the address of (one)
parent organization in Paris but, when they called,
the person who answered the phone said that the agency
had moved and left no forwarding address."
Schwartz visited "every single
orphanage in the Province as well as Gonaives. They
all look like scams to (him. He didn't want to) write
a report saying the orphanages are all scams," but, in
fact, they are, preying on impoverished families.
The problem, however, is far
greater. World Vision and Compassion International
sponsor 58,500 Haitian children. Christian Aid
Missions (CAM) 10,000, the Haiti Baptist Mission
57,800, and many other NGOs run similar operations,
trafficking children for profit or diverting funds for
the poor to elite ones or their pockets. "....think
about all the money that must be collected and never
even gets there....So many people at these orphanages
are outright lying. Most of the children are not
orphans."
Schwartz's "dismay with charity
and development was growing. (His) job wasn't over."
He investigated further and found other alarming
surprises, "shatter(ing) any remaining faith (he) had
in foreign aid to Haiti." Under militarized control,
perhaps much worse is underway, with hundreds of
millions of donor aid likely stolen and thousands of
predatory NGOs and other profiteers grabbing it.
The recent report about 10
Americans detained (likely to be released pending
further investigation and perhaps absolved altogether)
for illegally trying to spirit 33 children from Haiti
is just the tip of a global problem, one very much
affecting Haiti. This longstanding practice is now way
accelerated with thousands of children separated from
parents, enabling abductors to pass them off as
orphans and sell them for profit.
Overall, UNICEF calls human
trafficking "one of the most lucrative and fastest
growing transnational crimes, generat(ing)
approximately up to $10 billion per year," affecting
many millions of victims, mostly women and children.
In 2005, the International Labour Organization
estimated from 980,000 - 1.25 million children
trafficked annually, mostly for:
"domestic labour, commercial
sexual exploitation, agricultural work, drug
couriering, organized begging, child soldiering and
exploitative or slavery-like practices in the informal
economy."
The UN Protocol to Prevent,
Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially
Women and Children (called the Palermo Protocol or
Trafficking Protocol) defines the practice as follows
in Article 3:
"Trafficking in persons shall
mean the recruitment, transportation, transfer,
harbouring or receipt of persons, by means of the
threat or use of force or other forms of coercion, of
abduction, of fraud, of deception, of the abuse of
power or of a position of vulnerability, or of the
giving or receiving of payments or benefits to achieve
the consent of a person having control over another
person, for the purpose of exploitation. Exploitation
shall include, at a minimum, the exploitation of the
prostitution of others or other forms of sexual
exploitation, forced labour or services, slavery or
practices similar to slavery, servitude or the removal
of organs...."
Under this definition, abductions
for sale or transfer to prospective parents are
criminal acts - "illicit adoptions" according to
UNICEF stating:
"An increase in demand for
adoption has helped to propel the unlawful trafficking
of babies and young children. Sometimes (parents) from
developing countries sell their baby or young child,
at other times" infants are stolen.
UNICEF conservatively estimates
at least 2,000 Haitian children are trafficked
annually to the Dominican Republic alone, and,
post-quake, confirmed that 15 or more disappeared from
area hospitals, likely victims of abductors. In
addition, adoption applications soared, from 10 a
month earlier to dozens daily, one agency saying it's
gotten over 1,000 requests to adopt Haitian children.
With many thousands alone and
vulnerable, they're easy pickings for traffickers -
for non-Haitian prospective parents, forced labor,
commercial sex, or other illicit purposes.
On January 27, Time.com writers
Tim Padgett and Bobby Ghosh highlighted the problem in
their article titled, "Human Predators Stalk Haiit's
Vulnerable Kids."
They cited one instance of a
"Toyota pickup truck cruising the debris-cluttered
streets of Leogane," offering children food, getting
them in the pickup and disappearing, all of them
abduction victims. According to UNICEF, "Traffickers
fish in pools of vulnerability, and we've rarely if
ever seen one like this."
Haiti is now occupied. Under
Fourth Geneva, its children, including orphans, are
protected persons and can't be moved for any reason.
According to international law expert Francis Boyle,
doing so "is a serious war crime," yet America may be
aiding and abetting the guilty, even though it's
(nominally) committed to combatting the practice, and
the US 2000 Trafficking Victims Protection Act calls
"trafficking in persons....a transnational crime with
national implications."
The law enhanced earlier
penalties, added new protections, and provided victims
various benefits and services. It also established a
cabinet-level federal interagency task force and
federal program to provide them. Under US and
international law, Washington recognizes the
grievousness of this crime. In practice perhaps it's
another matter given America's global lawlessness,
including illegally occupying Haiti and stealing its
sovereignty.
Private
Military Contractors (PMCs) See a Bonanza in Haiti
They're mercenaries,
paramilitaries, hired guns, unprincipled, in it for
the money, and go anywhere to find it. They're
unregulated, unchecked, free from criminal or civil
accountability, and are licensed to kill and get away
with it. Wherever they're deployed, they're feared for
good reason, and they're heading to Haiti. Xe Services
(formerly Blackwater USA) is already there. Jeremy
Scahil, author of "Blackwater: The Rise of the World's
Most Powerful Mercenary Army calls them a:
"shadowy mercenary company
(employing) some of the most feared professional
killers in the world (accustomed) to operating with
worry or legal consequences (with) remarkable power
and protection within the US war apparatus...."
Many PMCs belong to the
International Peace Operations Association (IPOA).
Immediately after the quake, its web site (ipoaworld.org)
announced:
"In the wake of the tragic events
in Haiti, a number of IPOA's member companies are
available and prepared to provide a wide variety of
critical relief services to the earthquake's victims.
If you would like more information about IPOA and its
member companies, you can read more here."
A list of services and member
companies followed. Unexplained was their dark side.
In his January 19 Nation magazine
article titled, "US Mercenaries Set Sights on Haiti,"
Scahill said to expect "a lot of (disaster
profiteering) in Haiti over the coming days, weeks and
months. (It's) kicking into full gear in Haiti," and
arrivals signal the kinds of terrorizing common
wherever these professional killers are deployed.
Exploiting
Haiti's Resources
In October 2009, Marguerite
Laurent, exposed the key reason for exploiting Haiti,
easier under occupation and hundreds of thousands of
Haitians removed from where huge oil deposits likely
exist and other development is planned. In 2008, an
estimated 20 billion barrels were found in deep water
off Cuba. Haitian resources are believed to be far
greater, and they've been known about for decades.
In a 2004 article titled, "Oil in
Haiti," George Michel explained that:
"Since time immemorial, it has
been no secret that deep in the earthy bowels of the
two states that share the island of (Hispaniola -
Haiti and the Dominican Republic) and the surrounding
waters that there are significant, still untapped
deposits of oil. No one knows why they are still
untapped." Why is with abundant Middle East and other
resources, they weren't needed. Ahead they will be, so
maybe now's the time to exploit them.
"Since the early twentieth
century, the physical and political map of the island
of Haiti, erected in 1908 by Messrs. Alexander Poujol
and Henry Thomasset, reported a major oil
reservoir....near the source of the Rio Todo El Mondo,
Tributary Right Artibonite River, better known today
as the River Thomonde."
Oil also exists "in the Dominican
plain of Azua, a short distance north of the Dominican
Republic in the town of Azua." The field was operating
earlier in the last century, producing up to 60,000
barrels daily. In 1982, more significantly, "a huge
oil field offshore at the coast of (the Dominican
Republic's) Barahona" province was discovered, but
left untapped.
In Haiti and offshore, geological
evidence shows oil reserves at "the Bay of Cayes, Les
Cayes and between Ile a Vache." The Dunn Plantation
papers as well as George Michel confirm that Haiti is
oil rich.
Laurent says:
"big US oil companies and their
inter-related monopolies of engineering and defense
contractors made plans, decades ago, to (exploit
Haiti's resources and use its) deep water ports either
for oil refineries or to develop oil tank farm sites
or depots where crude oil could be stored and later
transferred to small tankers to serve US and Caribbean
ports."
No wonder Washington has its
fifth largest embassy in Port-au-Prince after Iraq
(the largest anywhere on 104 acres, costing at least
$592 million to build), China, Afghanistan and
Germany.
Haiti is a strategic resource for
its cheap labor, but mostly its exploitable resources,
including, oil and gas, gold, copper, diamonds,
iridium, and zirconium as well as deep water ports at
Fort Liberte and elsewhere.
In February 2004, removing
Jean-Bertrand Aristide and exiling him was step one,
followed by a coup d'etat government, UN paramilitary
"peacekeepers," and an elected one, subservient to
Washington, opening Haiti to greater plunder,
including privatizing state-owned companies,
exploiting its cheap labor even more, letting unwanted
portions perish, and developing its resources.
Now the occupation and, according
to Laurent, US-France-Canada balkanization for
resource exploitation, Washington wanting the South,
including Port-au-Prince, La Gonaive island, offshore
to the West, Les Cayes, the southern peninsula and
offshore waters. Around 20,000 US Marines and
paratroupers arrived for the duration, to ensure Haiti
is open for business for the usual corporate
interests, and to ensure none of its wealth is shared
with the poor - how Haitians have always been treated
for over 500 years, except for the brief interregnum
under Artistide and short period after becoming the
first free and independent Black republic.
Stephen Lendman is a Research
Associate of the Centre for Research on Globalization.
He lives in Chicago and can be reached at
lendmanstephen@sbcglobal.net. Also visit his blog
site at sjlendman.blogspot.com and listen to the
Lendman News Hour on RepublicBroadcasting.org Monday -
Friday at 10AM US Central time for cutting-edge
discussions with distinguished guests on world and
national issues. All programs are archived for easy
listening. http://republicbroadcasting.org/Lendman
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