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27 March 2010
By Stephen
Lendman
If enacted, it
will advance what this writer addressed in a December
2007 article titled, "Police State America - A Look
Back and Ahead," covering numerous Bush administration
laws, Executive Orders (EOs), National and Homeland
Security Presidential Directives, edicts, and various
illegal acts targeting designated domestic and foreign
adversaries, dissent, civil liberties, human rights,
and other democratic freedoms.
Straightaway
post-9/11, George Bush signed a secret finding
empowering the CIA to "Capture, Kill or Interrogate
Al-Qaeda Leaders." He also authorized establishing a
covert global gulag to detain and interrogate them
without guidelines on proper treatment.
Other
presidential directives ordered abductions, torture
and indefinite detentions. In November 2001, Military
Order Number 1 empowered the Executive to capture,
kidnap or otherwise arrest non-citizens (and later
citizens) anywhere in the world for any reason and
hold them indefinitely without charge, evidence, due
process or judicial fairness protections of law.
The 2006
Military Commissions Act authorized torture and
sweeping unconstitutional powers to detain,
interrogate and prosecute alleged suspects and
collaborators (including US citizens), hold them
(without evidence) indefinitely in military prisons,
and deny them habeas and other legal protections.
Section 1031 of
the FY 2010 Defense Authorization Act contained the
2009 Military Commissions Act, listing changes that
include discarding the phrase "unlawful enemy
combatant" for "unprivileged enemy belligerent." More
on that below.
Seamlessly,
Obama continues Bush administration practices and
added others, including:
-- greater than
ever surveillance;
-- ruthless
political persecutions;
-- preventively
detaining individuals ordered released - "who cannot
be prosecuted," he said, "yet who pose a clear danger
to the American people;"
-- a secret "hit
list" authorizing CIA and Pentagon operatives to kill
US citizens abroad based on unsubstantiated evidence
they're involved in alleged plots against America or
US interests;
-- weaker
whisleblower protections;
-- state secrets
privilege to block lawsuits by victims of rendition,
torture, abuse or warrantless wiretapping; and
-- other
anti-democratic measures.
Now, the March 4
S. 3081: Enemy Belligerent, Interrogation, Detention,
and Prosecution Act of 2010 to interrogate and detain
"enemy belligerents who commit hostile acts against
the United States to establish certain limitations on
the prosecution of such belligerents, and for other
purposes."
On the Senate
floor, John McCain explained it, saying "we still
don't have a clear mechanism, legal structure, and
implementing policy for dealing with terrorists who we
capture in the (alleged) act of trying to bring about
attacks on the United States and our national security
interests at home and abroad."
These suspects
have no right to "Miranda warnings and defense
lawyers. Instead, the priority and focus must be on
isolating and neutralizing the immediate threat and
collecting intelligence to prevent" any attacks.
"I (also)
believe we must establish a system for long-term
detention of terrorists who are too dangerous to
release, but who cannot be tried in a civilian court"
because no evidence exists to convict them.
At a March 4
press conference, Senator Joe Lieberman told
reporters:
"These are not
common criminals. They are war criminals. Anyone we
capture in this war should be treated as a prisoner of
war, held by the military, interrogated for
information that will protect Americans and help us
win this war and then where appropriate, tried not in
a normal federal court where criminals are tried but
before a military commission."
S. 3081
Provisions
The bill imposes
harsh police state measures, including:
-- targeting
anyone worldwide, including US citizens, "suspected of
engaging in (or materially supporting) hostilities
against the United States or its coalition partners
through an act of terrorism, or by other means...;"
-- placing such
individuals "in military custody for purposes of
initial interrogation and determination of status in
accordance with the provisions of this Act;"
-- transporting
them to intelligence officials for more interrogation;
-- determining
who may be a "high-value detainee (HVD);"
-- further
interrogating those individuals by a "High-Value
Detainee Interrogation Group (HVIG)....utiliz(ing)
military and intelligence personnel, and Federal,
State, and local law enforcement personnel....;"
-- having HVIGs
submit their determination to the Defense Secretary
and Attorney General after consulting with the
Directors of National Intelligence, FBI, and CIA. "The
Secretary of Defense and Attorney General (will then)
make a final determination and report (it) to the
President and the appropriate committees of Congress.
In the case of any disagreement between the Secretary
of Defense and the Attorney General, the President
will make the determination;"
-- designating
seized individuals "unprivileged enemy belligerent(s);"
-- denying them
Miranda rights:
-- deciding on a
"Final (status) Determination" within 48 hours, "to
the extent practicable;"
-- letting the
President establish HVD interrogation group operations
and activities, including whether detainees "meet the
criteria for treatment as a high-value detainee for
purposes of interrogation....," including the
potential threat held individuals pose:
(1) for an
attack against America, its citizens, US military
personnel or facilities;
(2) their
potential intelligence value;
(3) membership
in or affiliation with Al Qaeda; and
(4) "such other
matters as the President considers appropriate."
Pending final
determination, detainees "shall be treated as
unprivileged enemy belligerent(s)," defined as:
"An individual,
including a citizen of the United States (to) be
detained without criminal charges and without trial
for the duration of hostilities against the United
States or its coalition partners in which the
individual has engaged, or which the individual has
purposely and materially supported, consistent with
the law of war and any authorization for the use of
military force provided by Congress pertaining to such
hostilities."
An "unprivileged
enemy belligerent" means anyone (with or without
evidence) suspected of "engag(ing) in (or materially
supporting) hostilities against the United States or
its coalition partners," including alleged Al Qaeda
members.
Raised
Concerns
Designating
individuals "unlawful enemy combatants" or
"unprivileged enemy belligerents" places them in legal
limbo, contrary to international law, the
Constitution, and three recent Supreme Court
decisions:
-- Rasul v. Bush
(2004) establishing US court system jurisdiction to
decide if Guantanamo-held non-US citizens were
wrongfully imprisoned;
-- Hamdi v.
Rumsfeld (2004) granting US citizen Yaser Hamdi and
other Guantanamo detainees habeas rights to challenge
their detentions in federal courts; and
-- Hamdan v.
Rumsfeld (2006) denying Guantanamo military
commissions "the power to proceed because (their)
structures and procedures violate both the Uniform
Code of Military Justice and the four Geneva
Conventions signed in 1949."
Obama-ordered
preventive detentions (against uncharged persons) and
S. 3081 violate international law, the Constitution,
and the above Supreme Court decisions.
Writing for the
Jurist Legal News & Research, University of Utah Law
Professor, Amos Guiora, calls the proposed bill "the
latest example of panic-based legislation" in the wake
of the (false flag) December airplane bombing and
whether alleged 9/11 suspects will be tried in federal
or military courts - Khalid Sheikh Mohammed and others
falsely charged based on tortured-extracted
confessions.
Holding
detainees through "end of hostilities in the terrorism
paradigm is a euphemism for indefinite detention....subject(ing)
an extraordinarily broad group of persons" to cruel
and inhumane treatment based on unsubstantiated
charges, and denying them due process and judicial
fairness.
Guiora calls the
proposed law:
"a fundamental
miscarriage of justice created by the unconstitutional
denial of the right to counsel, the right to remain
silent, the right to be free from arbitrary, let alone
indefinite detention, and the right to a day in
court." Unfortunately, too often "legitimacy and
justification take a back seat" to expediency and the
political climate of the times.
As a result,
innocent victims are unjustly arrested, called
terrorists, interrogated, tortured, indefinitely
detained and denied all rights despite constitutional
and international law protections.
"Republicans and
Democrats alike have failed to articulate, create and
implement a lawful interrogation, detention and trial
regime for post-9/11 detainees. That is shameful and
reflects negatively on two Presidents, the Congress
and the Supreme Court."
The major media
also. Their reports hype the threat, pre-determine
guilt, and influence public opinion to believe
government-charged individuals are dangerous, guilty,
and should be confined to deter "terrorism."
Yet the
Constitution's Fifth Amendment states:
"No person
shall....be deprived of life, liberty, or property
without due process of law....;" and
The 14th
Amendment reads:
No "State (may)
deprive any person of life, liberty, or property,
without due process of law; nor deny to any person
within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the
laws."
Yet in a climate
of fear and intimidation, everyone is potentially
vulnerable to legislative lawlessness if congressional
timidity lets S. 3081 pass in an election year.
According to
Guiora, it comes down to "the rule of law or the rule
of fear." Protecting American citizens and national
security is one thing. Discarding core legal
principles to do it reflects the worst elements of
police state justice.
Stephen Lendman
lives in Chicago and can be reached at lendmanstephen@sbcglobal.net.
Also visit his blog site at sjlendman.blogspot.com and
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