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10 September 2010 By Reason Wafawarova ON
August 14, Nathaniel Manheru did an incisive analysis
of an essay by US ambassador to Zimbabwe, Charles Ray,
through a weekly newspaper column curiously allocated
to this Obama envoy by one of Trevor Ncube’s
newspapers. Ray tried, through his piece, to sanitise US
aggression and military acts of brutality by placing
the blame for unjust wars on politicians "who rarely
have to face the consequences of battle up close", and
he tried to mobilise sympathy and mercy for the
innocent and troubled soldiers sent to execute the
evil plans of politicians. Manheru rightly noted that what Ray wrote about is
ground that has been extensively covered by numerous
other writers before, and in this regard no readers
should be misled into believing that the US envoy has
something to do with discovering new things. The only fascinating part of Ray’s piece is its
amoral effort to sanitise unjust and evil wars that
are a large part of the history of the US, his country
by ancestral slavery. In 2006, James Traub wrote in the New York Times
Magazine: "Of course, treaties and norms don’t
restrain the outlaws. The prohibition on the
territorial aggression enshrined in the UN Charter
didn’t faze Saddam Hussein when he decided to forcibly
annex Kuwait." He added: "When it comes to military force, the
United States can, and will, act alone. But diplomacy
depends on a united front." In reality what Traub was saying is that the US
does not need any laws or restraining opinion when it
comes to military action. The superpower acts alone and only respects
international law on matters of diplomacy. Traub knows very well that the US is a leading
outlaw state, a leading terrorist state, and that the
Pentagon is the biggest terrorist organisation on this
planet, totally unconstrained by international law,
and proudly and openly so. He did not say that in his essay because if he did
that, he would not be writing for the New York Times.
One cannot trespass from the dictates of a certain
level of discipline to be met in being part of that
establishment. Noam Chomsky wrote in the book "What We Say Goes"
and he said, "In a well-run society, you don’t say
things you know. You say things that are required for
service to power". Clearly Charles Ray, just like James Traub, is
quite educated on what to say about US brutality and
aggression. You criticise the execution and planning of a war
if you must; but you cannot criticise the war itself. It is public knowledge that the United States
invaded Iraq, even though that was a radical violation
of the United Nations Charter. It is the duty of writers like Charles Ray and
James Traub to glamorise and sanitise such violations,
and changing the context of events is one common way
of doing so. This is why Charles Ray wrote about an innocent and
troubled soldier fighting in an unjust war the same
time Zimbabwe was celebrating the heroes of its
liberation struggle. Such glory as attributed to liberation fighters
must be juxtaposed against the exploits of troubled
soldiers at the service of the empire. The United States is absolutely notorious for
covering its evil by loudly pointing at lesser evils
from others and even advocating justice to victims of
tyranny and dictatorships — zealously doing it ahead
of all others. It is like the often told story of Emperor
Alexander and the pirate. The account from Saint
Augustine has it that a pirate was brought to
Alexander, who then asked him; "How dare you molest
the seas with your piracy?" The pirate answered: "How dare you molest the whole
world? I have a small ship, so they call me a pirate.
You have a great navy, so they call you an emperor.
But you are molesting the world. I am doing almost
nothing by comparison". (Quotes are the writer’s
emphasis). This is the way it works in Western political
lexicon. The emperor is allowed to molest the world,
but the pirate is considered a major criminal. It is
always the typical case of a pea standing next to the
mountain. Wouldn’t Osama bin Laden say the same things said
by the pirate if he were brought before Barrack Obama
today? Is that not the feeling of every member of the
listed ‘‘terror’’ groups that the US wants the world
to fear so much, Hamas included? Obama says he is heartbroken over alleged human
rights abuses in Zimbabwe, and he carries such a
broken heart while boasting of the US’ resolve to keep
occupying both Iraq and Afghanistan — molesting and
murdering millions of innocent civilians in the
process. This Emperor Alexander of our day speaks proudly of
slamming Zimbabwe with illegal economic sanctions from
one corner of his mouth, and tells the world that he
is heartbroken over the same Zimbabwe from the other
corner. Indeed the world is supposed to applaud. Having
heartbreaks over one’s own destructive works must be
plausible. In January 2006, 18 Pakistani civilians were killed
in a US missile attack on Pakistan. The New York Times
commented in an editorial that "Those strikes were
legitimately aimed at top fugitive leaders of Al Qaeda". The message here is very clear. The New York Times
is in agreement with the military actions of the
United States, however egregious. To them the United
States is a legitimate outlaw state that should be
readily accepted by all others. On May 7 2009, Hillary Clinton was reported by the
BBC as having apologised for the death of hundreds of
innocent Afghan civilians who were brutally murdered
by US indiscriminate air strikes on villages suspected
of harbouring the Taliban. The apology came after the Red Cross confirmed the
deaths of hundreds of civilians covered in shallow
mass graves in the province of Farah and all Clinton
said was that Washington "deeply regrets" the loss of
innocent lives. According to a survivor of the brutal attack, Sayed
Azam; 50 members of his extended family died from the
bombings that evening, Reuters reported. The regret from Clinton should suffice to atone for
the death of these lesser peoples. That is not surprising. The United States has the right to use violence
where it chooses, no matter what happens. If the wrong people are killed in the process, it
is enough for the US to simply say "Sorry, we hit the
wrong people". There should never be limits on the right of the US
to use force. On that the US acts alone and all others
must follow or risk being "irrelevant". Western liberal media like The Times and the Rupert
Murdoch owned media are sometimes vocal about domestic
law in their own backyards and they have sometimes
voiced a lot of concern about surveillance and the
invasion of privacy resulting from anti-terror laws. However, this concern does not really extend much
to the international arena, and this is not without
cause. The only time Western liberal media show their
unrivalled dedication to international law is when
that law is broken by non-Western countries and
perceived enemies. Some have called this a double
standard but in reality it is not. It is a single standard and the policy is strictly
consistent. It is an unquestionable loyalty and
subordination to power. The standard says there is an
issue when Big Brother is eavesdropping or reading
emails of all others, and that is quite annoying on
the domestic front. But when there is this gross violation of
international law; what the Nuremburg Tribunal called
"the supreme international crime — that contains
within itself the accumulated evil of the whole" —
such violation as was the invasion of Iraq, then that
is just fine. It is unacceptably barbaric when the violation is
by Saddam Hussein invading Kuwait, but acceptably
understandable when the violation is by George W. Bush
invading Iraq. In such scenarios you sympathise more with the
troubled soldier executing the evil plans of the
politicians, and Charles Ray did not only write about
this in a Zimbabwean newspaper, but indeed personally
executed one such evil plan when he participated in
the US aggression on Vietnam between 1968 and 1973.
For the trouble he went through, he whole heartedly
expects a lot of sympathy from the whole world, that
with no sense of irony. Howard Friel and Richard Falk looked at the
attitude of the New York Times towards international
law in their book "Record of the Paper", and what they
found pretty much applies to most of the Western
Press. They found out that if an enemy can be accused of
violating international law, it is always a huge
outrage. But when the US does any similar or worse
violation, it is as if it did not happen. Friel and Falk pointed out that in the 70
editorials on the invasion of Iraq from September 11,
2011, to March 21, 2003, the words "UN Charter" and
"international law" never appeared even once. That is understandably typical of a newspaper that
believes the United States should be an outlaw state. Members of the peace movement, Martin Luther King
Jr included, talked a lot about stopping the US from
engaging in unjust wars and sometimes they described
plain aggression as "war". Was the US really at war when they invaded Grenada
in 1982, or in 1967 when they were killing Vietnamese
people? It is an odd sense of being at war. The US was just attacking other countries, and it
had not been attacked by anybody. Iraq was the same, Afghanistan was the same, Laos
in 1957, and many other places far too many to
mention. What part of a plain act of aggression constitutes
a war? What the US does is brazen violation of
international law in aggressively invading smaller
states in the name of war. The biggest problem in
combating US aggression is the civil obedience of US
citizens. These people are made to take orders without
questioning, and to accept unjust wars as unavoidable.
US state power is the most egregious in the world,
and sometimes it just appears like it is futile to
stand in its way. There have been successful models in confronting US
power in the past, from the civil rights movement in
the 60s to the peace movement in the 70s. These are occasions when state power fails to
manufacture consent among the people. The US does not only seek to create civil obedience
among its own citizens. It seeks to do so in its client states, and in fact
they want more civil obedience in other countries than
they do in their own back yard. This is why they want all Zimbabweans to loath
President Mugabe on their behalf, and that is why it
is now considered a crime of sorts in the West to be a
member of Zanu-PF. One is sanctioned and barred from travelling to
Western countries for being legitimately elected to a
leadership position through a Zanu-PF ticket — for
being elected by Zimbabweans as a Zimbabwean leader.
The US and its Western allies will say no to that;
insisting that "progressive" Zimbabweans will only
elect leaders from the highly treacherous, insidious
and puppet MDC-T party. The British Sports Minister believes his country
has every right to tell Zimbabweans who should lead
their cricket, and he openly says his country views
the Zimbabwe Cricket chairman Peter Chingoka as a
criminal. We have seen this kind of political aggression
elsewhere in recent times. Bolivia and Haiti have recently had democratic
elections of a kind no Western country can even
conceive. In December 2005, the people of Bolivia elected Evo
Morales ahead of two rich and powerful Western-backed
candidates trained in the US. The people of Bolivia just ignored Western rhetoric
about the democratic credentials of the two puppets
and instead chose someone from their own ranks. That is real democracy, and we saw that happening
in Palestine when Hamas was elected in 2006. In Haiti, if Jean-Bertrand Aristide had not been
forcibly expelled from the Caribbean by the US in
early 2004, it is very likely he would have won
re-election. In the West, there is not much of meaningful
participation by the people in the democratic process.
There is real obedience to corporate power. You do not get this Bolivian kind of disobedience
that is needed to create a truly functioning
democracy. The resolve by the US to manufacture consent at
home and abroad is what is driving US foreign policy
today. It is the underlying factor behind the now
traditional gross violations of international law by
US elites and their allies from other Western
countries. So the US, Canada and Australia have the temerity
to use international law in justifying their minority
racially composed opposition to Zimbabwe’s right to
sell its diamonds through the Kimberly Process. Canada even unashamedly tried to redefine the law
just to contrive a crime against Zimbabwe. When an outlaw state like the US preaches human
rights it is like the Devil preaching righteousness.
It is simply appalling. When progressive countries overwhelmingly stand
against US excesses as happened with Zimbabwe’s
Diamond case at Kimberly, we begin to believe that US
aggression is after all not insurmountable. Zimbabwe we are one and together we will overcome.
It is homeland or death!! Reason Wafawarova is a political writer based in
Sydney, Australia and can be contacted on wafawarova@
yahoo.co.uk or
reason@rwafawarova.com or visit www.
rwafawarova.com |