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Writers Articles And Opinions |
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18 October 2010 By Reason Wafawarova THIS
writer has had to defer an essay on Majorities versus
Minorities: Quantity versus Quality to next week
because of the need to engage Tendai Biti on his
Saturday October 9 piece, "Messianic complex, bane of
Zanu-PF" — an engagement made imperative by the
compelling need to liberate would-be captives to
Biti’s gospel of "transitional leadership", a proposed
transition of post-colonial Africa from political to
capital colonisation.
Monism is a doctrine that there is only a single
principle from which everything is derived and
developed, idealistically or materialistically, and in
Biti’s case all of Africa’s problems are a result of
the flaws of nationalism — the monster Biti says was
never going to be a suitable instrument for the
challenges of post-independent nation building.
Biti rhapsodised passionately and almost endlessly
about the hopelessness of liberation nationalists in
evolving into effective managers of Africa’s
post-independent nation states. He accused the
generality of Africa’s founding fathers of being
smitten by the deadly zeal to pursue the "power
retention agenda".
This of course is coming from Tendai Biti, himself
a high ranking addict of the power grabbing agenda
that is notoriously associated with the dreadful call
for the strangulation of Zimbabwe’s economy through
the ruinous economic sanctions that wrecked havoc in
the lives of poor Zimbabwean masses in the last 10
years.
Tendai Biti is the abrasive secretary-general of
MDC-T, whose leader Morgan Tsvangirai gallivanted
across the globe begging Western countries to smite
Zimbabwe with deadly sanctions he hoped would force
people into a revolt against the sitting government.
Today, Tsvangirai rascally postures in deep
provocation to the masses, politicking unashamedly
over the issue of the illegal economic sanctions as if
the sanctions were a matter of child play.
He signs with his own hand a GPA that acknowledges
the ruinous nature of sanctions and that calls for the
lifting of such sanctions, and with his rather loud
mouth he shouts that the same sanctions do not exist,
and that if they do, he can only call them
"restrictive measures".
One may want to weigh the options here. Africa is
according to Biti’s monistic hypothesis, stuck with
nationalists that are firmly possessed by the vicious
demon of "power retention", and these are at war with
Western-backed anti-nationalist politicians whose sole
political occupation is the power grabbing agenda.
That is Africa’s power politics, so to speak.
"What we want to tell Mugabe today is: Please go
peacefully. If you do not want to go peacefully, we
will remove you violently". These are the infamous
words uttered by Tsvangirai at the first MDC
anniversary in 2000.
Biti vehemently defended these utterances in 2000,
and he had his own style of attempting to grab power
from Zanu-PF in 2008, when he baselessly and
unilaterally announced election results in favour of
his party — all from his head, totally unfounded and
unverifiable in any way. What honour are we meant to
read from these power grabbing games?
Nationalism is in short a devotion to the interests
and culture of one’s nation, or the belief that
nations will benefit more from acting independently
rather than collectively, emphasising national rather
than international goals. This Biti sees as the single
biggest problem of Africa today and he suggests that
Africa must "construct a National Democratic State in
the Leninist sense".
Leninism is a political theory and practice of the
dictatorship of the proletariat, led by a
revolutionary vanguard party, something that Zanu-PF
claims to be doing, especially through the radical
land reclamation program that was executed mainly by
landless peasants and equally landless veterans of the
liberation struggle.
Leninism reversed Marx’s order of economics over
politics, allowing for a political revolution led by a
vanguard party of professional revolutionaries rather
than a spontaneous uprising of the working class as
predicted by Karl Marx.
Zanu-PF says its politics of empowering the black
masses will shape the economic super structure of
Zimbabwe and this is why the party adopted the motto
"Land is the Economy and The Economy is Land".
This also is why Zanu-PF’s empowerment policy for
black capital is supposed to be the base that will
create the economic superstructure, reversing Karl
Marx’s theory of the economic base shaping the
political super structure.
Is this not the National Democratic State that Biti
wants the whole African continent to become? How then
is it that Biti wants Africa to be exactly what he has
devoted his whole life fighting, so that his own
Zimbabwe should never become?
Biti thinks this "Leninist sense" nationalism will
"unleash the true potential of the African state" when
at home he has fought bitterly against the same
Leninism, as he has so resolutely and openly done on
behalf of white capitalists for the last 10 years.
This is the very Biti that has had to be dragged
screaming and frothing against the idea of funding new
farmers since he became Finance Minister.
Why does Biti not see the need to unleash the true
potential of Zimbabwe’s black farmers when he can so
easily pontificate over the dream of an African nation
to be prospered by the very ideology he fights so
vigorously at home? It is hard to fake nationalism and
patriotism when you are employed by imperialists for
your daily duties.
Biti wrote that the post-independent African State
was primarily anti-capital and more importantly was
"viciously against the emergence of a nascent black
bourgeoisie".
The first assertion is Biti’s way of bemoaning what
happened to white commercial farmers in his home
country in 2000 and that position is indeed
understandable given that Roy Bennett and his fellow
ousted colleagues demand the voice of the MDC-T’s
Secretary General for their cause, and that of
Tsvangirai as well.
However, any serious thinking person will easily
dismiss the assertion that post-independent Africa has
"viciously (stood) against the emergence of a nascent
black bourgeoisie". This is a ludicrous claim because
indeed there is a nascent black bourgeoisie in every
post-independent African country, from Ghana 54 years
ago to South Africa 16 years ago.
Biti himself wrote about the emergence of this
black bourgeoisie in Zimbabwe, wrongly crediting
patronage and cronyism for the development.
So where is the vicious aggression against these
black bourgeoisies if the African State can afford
patronage and cronyism to promote the same?
It is the Leninist state Biti wishes for that will
stand viciously against the emergence of black
capitalists and bourgeoisies.
In this Leninist African State, presumably run by
the proletariat, Biti advocates for a "National
Democratic State" where he engages in this hoopla
about the "creation of democratic space" so that
"(Western) capital is allowed to grow", and that the
workforce will "control the process and product of its
labour", and also something about the "evolution of
the state".
So we are now advocating an African State that
imports capital and settles for a workforce that
contends with control of the process and product of
labour? But Biti just lectured us the other week that
we must seek a state that teaches its youth business
proposals and not how to be hardworking employees —
only excelling in applying for jobs and staying loyal
to employers as colonialism trained us to be.
Biti conceded that the founding fathers of African
independence had structures that "could not have
produced any other outcome" and he described
Zimbabwe’s massive education and health expansion
programmes of the eighties as a "mitigating factor"
and another such "mitigating factor" was the land
reform program.
If the founding fathers could not have produced any
other outcome why then do Biti and his colleagues
engage aliens in his fight against them? And against
what are the mass education, the health expansion, and
the agrarian reform programs mitigating?
Is it against Biti’s mixed up attack on nationalism
or against the vilification that Zanu--PF receives
from Biti’s Western funders?
Biti had the nicest words for John Kufour, the man
who presided over a gross output of gold exports of
US$8 billion in 2008, with only US$550 million being
retained by the Ghanaian economy.
Of course, Kufour was a darling of Western
investors and that is very understandable. It is more
understandable that Kufour is also Biti’s admired hero
— he is a forerunner leader of the desired capital
colonies that Western countries seek to establish in
Africa through sponsored puppet parties like Biti’s
MDC-T.
Of course, Kufour did not tell Biti and others who
listened to him that Kwame Nkrumah largely inherited
and pursued industrial policies that had been
initiated by Britain — social democratic policies that
almost destroyed Britain’s economy about the same
time.
When Nkrumah later committed himself to socialist
policies, what the West did with the cocoa market must
be noted, totally strangulating Ghana’s economy
through manipulating cocoa prices, and resulting in
the coup that Biti says was celebrated by all
Ghanaians, the very way he says all Zimbabweans
support Tsvangirai and MDC-T.
Biti legitimises his revisionist blame on
nationalist African leaders by quoting George Ayittey
and Dele Oluwu, and his major problem with nationalist
leaders is that they have what Biti calls a sense of
"entitlement".
Those who think the gains of the liberation
struggle are personal entitlements for which they
fought must be understood in the right context.
Why would liberation fighters stand akimbo in the
name of democracy and human rights when former
colonisers come back sponsoring puppet politicians in
broad daylight?
There is a huge difference between entitlement to
specific achievements and entitlement to a country.
We are all entitled equally to Zimbabwe as our
country, but there are those who stand as vanguards to
those achievements that we consider the cornerstones
of our national independence and what these people
defend are values so fundamental to our national being
that without them we are rendered as good as a colony
again.
What caused the 2008 near collapse economic
meltdown were neither bad policies nor what Biti calls
a sense of entitlement.
It was what Biti and Tsvangirai braggingly called
the "Tongai Tione" campaign — a killer economic
onslaught by Western countries that was so
comprehensive that it nearly stalled everything in
Zimbabwe.
The strategy was to make Zimbabwe ungovernable by
causing unprecedented economic chaos — sabotaging
supplies, hiking prices, economic isolation,
relocating firms to neighbouring countries and
employing every dirty trick in the economic hitman’s
book.
Biti blamed it all on bad policies on the part of
Zanu-PF and on the "inevitable and unwise Economic
Structural Adjustment Programme", and he did not
bother to explain how an unwise policy became
inevitable.
The word "inevitable" is to sanitise the image of
those who initiated this draconian killer ESAP
programme, the IMF, and the word "unwise" is meant to
demonise the recipients of the programme, the Zanu-PF
government of the time.
Biti wrote and blamed the one party-state proposals
of the late eighties as the cause of the economic
decline that resulted in ESAP being implemented. Zanu-PF
debated the idea of a party state and that debate
resulted in the idea being abandoned and Zimbabwe
never became a one party state.
It is a wonder how something that never became
policy can be blamed for the economic misfortunes of
the time. Did Biti ever read about the Washington
Consensus and the Ten Point Plan?
Biti wrote and said that his MDC entered the
political arena "in line with the real ideals of the
liberation struggle", and he bragged that the same
party was "a mere extension of the national liberation
struggle".
Jesus comes back! Is this why the MDC was founded
and funded by the very people the liberation war was
waged against?
Is this why Tsvangirai called for killer sanctions
against Zimbabweans? Is this why Zimbabwe stands
sanctioned outside the UN mandate today?
All because MDC-T is in line ‘‘with the real ideals
of the liberation struggle, and that it is an
extension of the national liberation struggle?’’.
A national struggle that seeks to oust "unskilled
black farmers" for "skilled white farmers" is what
Biti was lecturing us about. He was lecturing us about
ideals of a liberation struggle that derives logic in
having a bitter ousted white colonial farmer as a
deputy minister over the very new farmers that ousted
him and "stole his farm".
And Tsvangirai is so scared of the Security Forces
and the war veterans that he publicly bemoans his
position relative to these men of war.
Yet he is the leader of a party that is "a mere
extension of national liberation struggle". Extending
from something that deeply loathes you does not sound
like a good idea.
Of course, Biti will tell us that his party is an
extension of all the dead liberation fighters, those
who died in the past, those who die today and those
who will die in the future — all because they become
separate from the living nationalists — the bane of
Zanu-PF, those that do not exactly think that MDC-T is
such a good party.
When Nathaniel Manheru says MDC was founded and
funded by the Westminster Foundation, that the party
is tasked by Westerners to recapture state power from
nationalists, to restore white capitalism, and that
the party seeks to "found a neo-colony and not a
post-colony", the assertion does not imply that black
people cannot think for themselves, as Biti suggested.
Firstly, MDC is not representative of all black
people and that is just a fact.
Secondly, policymakers in MDC are a minority group
of donor mongers who cannot honestly claim that the
majority of MDC supporters are clear of where funds
that run affairs in that party are coming from.
Biti talks of millions of workers "who voted and
are "dying for the MDC" and he accuses anyone who
dares criticise his party of crossing the path of
these "millions" of dying workers.
Why would people die for MDC anyway?
Is there no ideology to die for in that party —
even Biti’s misplaced Leninism, or Chamisa’s real
change, whatever that means?
Ever heard President Mugabe saying people died for
Zanu-PF at Chimoio or Nyadzonia?
Training people to die for a political party is
extreme jingoism and it does not build nations.
Biti is in government and he tells the world that
Zimbabwe is being ruled by "hippos that are lazy, slow
and ornery"; and he prides himself as the Finance
Minister of such a Government?
And we were lectured about this new era of
"transformational leadership" determined by "values
and trainings" — such as the training "Dr Morgan
Tsvangirai" is reported to have had at Harvard
University and the take-away doctorate he collected
from the South Koreans.
These transformational leaders stand on "superior
ground norm of nation building" and Biti tells us that
Ian Khama and Raila Odinga are some of the luminaries
that belong to this prestigious club alongside our own
"Dr Morgan Richard Tsvangirai", a man grudgingly but
wrongly described by Biti as "the undisputed and
unquestionable leader of the MDC and the face of the
democratic struggle in Zimbabwe".
Welshman Ncube will have to comment on this. When
Tsvangirai was bragging about the ‘‘tongai tione’’
mantra, the suffering masses rechristened his party
Movement for the Destruction of our Country, and yet
we hear the man is the face of the democratic struggle
in Zimbabwe.
Could this be Leninist democracy as well, that
democracy based on the proletariat?
I hope Minister Biti does not find this essay
"verbose and violent" and of course he must delight in
the fact that Reason Wafawarova is not a nom de plume.
Zimbabwe we are one and together we will overcome.
It is homeland or death!
Reason Wafawarova is a political writer and can
be contacted on
wafawarova@yahoo.co.uk or reason@rwafa warova.com
or visit
www.rwafawarova.com
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