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08 December 2010 By Ellen Brown Unlike Zimbabwe, the U.S.
can easily get the currency it needs without being
beholden to anyone. But wouldn't that dilute the value
of the currency? No. A month ago,
the bond vigilantes were screaming that the Fed's QE2
would be the first step on the road to Zimbabwe-style
hundred trillion dollar notes. Zimbabwe (the former
Rhodesia) is the poster example of what can go
wrong when a government pays its bills by printing
money. Zimbabwe's economy collapsed in 2008, when its
currency hyperinflated to the point that it was
trading with the U.S. dollar at an exchange rate of 10
trillion to 1. On November 29, Cullen Roche wrote in
the Pragmatic Capitalist: Back in October the economic
buzzwords had become "money printing" and "debt
monetization". . . . [T]he Fed was initiating their
policy of QE2 and you'd have been hard pressed to find
someone in this country (and around the world for that
matter) who wasn't entirely convinced that the USA was
about to send the dollar into some sort of death
spiral. QE2 was about to set off a round of inflation
that would make Zimbabwe look like a cakewalk. And
then something odd happened – the dollar rallied as
QE2 set sail and hasn't looked back since. What really happened in
Zimbabwe? And why does QE2 seem to be making the
dollar stronger rather than weaker, as the
inflationistas predicted? Professor Michael Hudson has
studied hyperinflation extensively. He maintains that
"every hyperinflation in history stems from the
foreign exchange markets. It stems from governments
trying to throw enough of their currency on the market
to pay their foreign debts." It is in the foreign exchange
markets that a national currency becomes vulnerable to
manipulation by speculators. The Zimbabwe economic crisis
dated back to 2001, when the government defaulted on
its loans and the IMF refused to make the usual
accommodations, including refinancing and loan
forgiveness. Zimbabwe's credit was ruined and it could
not get loans elsewhere, so the government resorted to
issuing its own national currency and using the money
to buy U.S. dollars on the foreign exchange market.
These dollars were then used to pay the IMF and regain
the country's credit rating. According to a statement
by the Zimbabwe central bank, the hyperinflation was
caused by speculators who charged exorbitant rates for
U.S. dollars, causing a drastic devaluation of the
Zimbabwe currency. But something darker seems also
to have been going on. Timothy Kalyegira, a columnist
with the Daily Monitor of Uganda, wrote in a 2007
article: The push for regime change in
Zimbabwe was detailed by Stephen Gowans in a March
2007 article posted on Global Research. He wrote: Before 1980 Zimbabwe was a
white-supremacist British colony named after the
British financier Cecil Rhodes, whose company, the
British South Africa Company, stole the land from the
indigenous Matabele and Mashona people in the 1890s. .
. . Ever since veterans of the
guerrilla war against apartheid Rhodesia violently
seized white-owned farms in Zimbabwe, the country's
president, Robert Mugabe, has been demonized by
politicians, human rights organizations and the media
in the West. . . . I'm going to argue that the
basis for Mugabe's demonization is the desire of
Western powers to change the economic and land
redistribution policies Mugabe's government has
pursued; . . . and that the ultimate aim of regime
change is to replace Mugabe with someone who can be
counted on to reliably look after Western interests,
and particularly British investments, in Zimbabwe. Timothy Kalyegira concurred in
this theory, observing: A former undercover operative
John Perkins recalled events that are strikingly
familiar to what we see in Zimbabwe today: "[In]
1951…Iran rebelled against a British oil company that
was exploiting Iranian natural resources and its
people…An outraged England sought the help of
her…ally, the United States…Washington dispatched CIA
agent Kermit Roosevelt…to organize a series of
…violent demonstrations, which created the impression
that [Iranian Prime Minister] Mossadegh was both
unpopular and inept. (Confessions Of An Economic
Hit Man, Ebury Press, 2005, page 18) Clearly,
Mugabe's capital crime was to displace White privilege
in Zimbabwe and personally stand up to the White
establishment in London and Washington. This is not to condone any
atrocities of which the Mugabe government stands
accused, or to overlook the fact that breaking up the
white-owned farms and delivering them to unskilled
workers was a disaster for the economy. The original
black workforce did have the necessary skills, and if
the farms had been transferred to cooperatives owned
by them, little harm would have been done to the
economy. The narrow issue considered
here is whether the Zimbabwe hyperinflation was the
result of the government printing money to fund its
budget. In fact, the government was printing money to
buy the foreign currency needed to pay debts owed in a
foreign currency, something that subjected it to the
whims of speculators. Even if Zimbabwe's
hyperinflation was the result of currency manipulation
rather than exploitation by corrupt politicians,
couldn't the same thing happen to the U.S. dollar? The answer is, not likely. The
U.S. does not owe debts in a foreign currency over
which it has no control. It can issue bonds payable in
its own currency. Today that currency is issued
by the Federal Reserve, which is privately owned by a
consortium of banks; but the Fed has been at least
semi-captive ever since the 1960s, disgorging its
profits to the Treasury. Its website states, "Federal
Reserve Banks are not . . . operated for a profit, and
each year they return to the U.S. Treasury all
earnings in excess of Federal Reserve operating and
other expenses." The Federal Reserve Act provides that
it can be modified or rescinded at any time, so
Congress retains ultimate control. Randall Wray, Professor of
Economics at the University of Missouri-Kansas City,
writes that "involuntary default is, literally,
impossible for a sovereign government." The U.S. does not have to rely
on foreign investors even to buy its bonds. If the
investors are not interested, the central bank can buy
the bonds. That is, in fact, what the Fed's second
round of quantitative easing is all about: issuing
$600 billion for the purchase of long-term government
bonds. Unlike Zimbabwe, which had to
have U.S. dollars to pay its debt to the IMF, the U.S.
can easily get the currency it needs without being
beholden to anyone. It can print the dollars, or
borrow from the Fed which prints them. But wouldn't that dilute the
value of the currency? No, says Cullen Roche, because
swapping dollars for bonds does not change the size of
the money supply. A dollar bill and a dollar bond are
essentially the same thing. One bears interest and is
a little less liquid than the other, but both are
obligations good for a dollar's worth of goods or
services in the economy. If the bondholders had wanted
cash, they could have cashed out the bonds themselves.
They don't have any more money to spend, or any more
incentive to spend it, when they've been cashed out by
the government than when they were holding bonds. Moreover, adding money to the
money supply cannot hurt the economy when the money
supply is shrinking, as it is now. Most money
today consists simply of bank credit, and bank credit
is shrinking because banks are deleveraging. Bad debts
are wiping out capital, which wipes out lending
capacity. QE2 is just an attempt to fill the empty
liquidity pitcher back up -- and a rather feeble
attempt at that. Financial commentator Charles Hugh
Smith estimates that the economy now faces $15
trillion in writedowns in collateral and credit, based
on projections from the latest Fed Flow of Funds
(September 17, 2010). Based on his projections, it
might be argued that the Fed could print enough money
to refinance the entire federal debt without
creating price inflation. (The current inflation in
commodity prices is due to other factors, as was
discussed in an earlier article, here.) Dean Baker, co-director of the
Center for Economic and Policy Research in Washington,
wrote recently concerning the federal deficit: There is no reason that the
Fed can't just buy this debt (as it is largely doing)
and hold it indefinitely. If the Fed holds the debt,
there is no interest burden for future taxpayers. The
Fed refunds its interest earnings to the Treasury
every year. Last year the Fed refunded almost $80
billion in interest to the Treasury, nearly 40 percent
of the country's net interest burden. And the Fed has
other tools to ensure that the expansion of the
monetary base required to purchase the debt does not
lead to inflation. This means that the country
really has no near-term or even mid-term deficit
problem. The current deficit is a positive. In fact,
if it were larger we would have more jobs and growth.
Furthermore, there is no reason that the debt being
accumulated at present should pose any interest burden
on future generations. In this vein, it is worth
noting that Japan's central bank holds debt
amounting to almost 100 percent of that country's GDP.
As a result, Japan's interest burden is considerably
smaller than the United States's, even though Japan's
debt is almost four times as large relative to the
size of its economy. [Emphasis added.] Although Japan's relative debt
is almost four times as large as ours and its central
bank holds enough to equal nearly 100% of its GDP,
investors are not fleeing the yen or driving the
economy into hyperinflation. In fact Japan still can't
pull itself out of DEFLATION, despite massive
quantitative easing. The country still has willing
trading partners and is still the third largest
economy in the world, an impressive feat for a small
island. If the Fed were to follow the
lead of Japan and hold federal debt equal to the
country's gross domestic product, the Fed would be
holding $14.75 trillion in federal securities, enough
to refinance the ENTIRE U.S. federal debt of $13.8
trillion virtually interest-free. The federal debt hasn't been
paid off since the 1830s under President Andrew
Jackson. It is just rolled over from year to year. An
interest-free debt rolled over indefinitely is the
functional equivalent of the government issuing money
itself. Andrew Jackson would have said
the government SHOULD be issuing the money itself,
rather than borrowing from banks that issue it. If
Congress gave itself the right under the Constitution
to issue money, he said, "it was conferred to be
exercised by themselves, and not to be transferred to
a corporation." Indeed, that may be why the
U.S. dollar has been going UP since QE2 was initiated,
while the Euro has been going DOWN. EU governments are
doing what the inflation hawks want them to do: cut
back on services, privatize their pension money, and
otherwise engage in austerity measures to balance
their budgets. The effect has been to depress their
economies and throw them deeper and deeper into debt,
with nowhere to get the extra cash needed to pay the
expanding debt and interest burden. The U.S. and Japan are
exploring another model: allowing their currencies to
expand to meet the needs of their economies. This was,
in fact, the original money system of the American
colonists. It was revived by Abraham Lincoln to avoid
a crippling war debt, after which it was dubbed the
"Greenback solution." Ellen Brown is an attorney
and the author of eleven books, including
Web of Debt: The Shocking Truth About Our Money
System and How We Can Break Free. Her websites
are
webofdebt.com,
ellenbrown.com, and
public-banking.com. |