Syria's Spreading War: It Has Involved Iranians, Iraqis, Russians, Hezbollah
26 March 2013
By Abdul Rahman Al-Rashed
The second anniversary of the Syrian revolution
celebrates the country's transformation into the
world's largest and most global conflict. But the
fight does not belong to Syria alone. It has involved
Iranians, Iraqis, Russians, Hezbollah, Jabhat Al-Nusra,
Ahrar Al-Sham, followers of Al-Qaeda, the Kurdistan
Workers' Party, The Popular Front for the Liberation
of Palestine-General Command, not to mention the Free
Syrian Army in its entirety. Saudi Arabia, Qatar,
Turkey, Jordan and, increasingly, Britain and France,
are also by no means detached from the situation. The
war in Syria is indeed an international one.
While its beginnings—two years ago this week—lay with
protesting the heavy-handed suppression of Syria's
children, the desire to leave behind a life of
humiliation and repression that accompany the police
state soon spread. Protests calling to topple "the
last Arab dictator" shocked the country. Since then, a
price that has proven to be unparalleled in the Arab
Spring has been paid: one hundred thousand dead, one
million fleeing the country, and millions more
internally displaced. Urban residents sought refuge in
the countryside, replacing those who had fled to even
more rural areas such as caves and farms. And, as
minorities retreat to their sanctuaries, the war wages
on. But despite the tragic events of Syria's recent
history, the majority of Syrians will not return to a
life under Bashar Al-Assad. Whatever the price, he
will fall; this is now the mentality of most Syrians,
even though their future is as nightmarish as their
past.
With armed opposition groups reaching areas of
traditional governmental support, even Russia is
realizing that Al-Assad's demise is inevitable. In
light of this, Moscow is seeking a political solution
that will secure its own interests by ensuring that
its allies in the current regime have a place in the
new Syria. At this point in time, however, such an
achievement is no longer possible.
Hezbollah, which mobilizes itself at Tehran's behest,
is fighting the biggest war in its history and is one
of the largest factions involved in the Syrian
conflict. With fifty thousand fighters, a force
greater than that which it has deployed against Israel
over the last 30 years, Hezbollah is fighting the
Syrian revolution. Its involvement in the conflict
threatens to exacerbate the possibility of spillover
into Lebanon. Northern and western regions of Iraq are
also threatened with dissociation, owing to Prime
Minister Nour Al-Maliki's alignment with the Syrian
regime.
Numerous conflicts are taking place in Syria. Iranian
officials were not exaggerating when they publicly
warned that the fall of Assad would be no less
damaging than that of Tehran.
The conflict in Syria has grown from a revolution into
a regional and international conflict, and the recent
declarations from France and Britain regarding their
preparation to arm the opposition, regardless of the
self-imposed European Union arms embargo have added
another dimension to the war.
But what is there for us to do, besides providing
humanitarian relief for millions of displaced and
homeless Syrian civilians? With the passing of the
conflict's second anniversary, there is no doubt that
the revolutionaries are capable of overcoming Assad
and his troops; their advance is slow but steady, and
they will succeed in their goals despite their enemies
allying against them.
The essential aspect of Syria's upheaval, in my
opinion, is that its' people collect themselves in a
system that permits political self-determination and
choice of leadership. Arab nations must help develop
an environment in which the opposition takes
responsibility, and encourage the inclusion of all
forces on the ground—civil and military—from all
regions and sects. In most countries affected by war,
foreign intervention and international guardianship
brings regional or international legitimacy. An
alternative political system is installed in order to
avoid division and civil war. Such was the case with
Kuwait at the beginning of the 1990s, when Saddam
Hussein occupied the country and attempted to
eliminate any sense of national sovereignty.
Likewise, after the fall of Saddam, various different
factions and powers tried to garner unanimity
regarding the preservation and independence of Iraq.
There were crises that the international community
failed to deal with.
Internal strife in Yugoslavia led to its dismantlement
by the UN. Following the end of World War Two,
Yugoslavia consisted of seven separate statelets,
however this union of separate nationalities
disintegrated in the 1990s leading to the creation of
five independent states, of which only Serbia and
Montenegro remain united. Even though Syria is a
historically united country, it could likewise
disintegrate if the opposition fails to adopt a
unifying project.
The challenge facing Syria is no longer the toppling
of Assad, but maintaining a stable and united country,
and avoiding a descent into civil war, as Assad and
his allies have warned.
Al Rashed is the
general manager of Al -Arabiya television. He is also
the former editor-in-chief of Asharq Al- Awsat, and
the leading Arabic weekly magazine, Al Majalla. He is
also a senior Columnist in the daily newspapers of Al
Madina and Al Bilad. He is a US post-graduate degree
in mass communications. He has been a guest on many TV
current affairs programs. He is currently based in
Dubai.
©
EsinIslam.Com
Add Comments