06 February 2016By Eyad Abu Shakra
I have had the honour of knowing two exceptional men, both of whom passed away
with undying love for their birthplace: Damascus. They were my former
professor and mentor Professor Yusuf Ibish, and the great Arab poet Nizar
Qabbani.
For those interested in Arabic literature throughout the world, Qabbani's
poems about his beloved city need no introduction. As for Dr Yusuf, his
unbelievable emotional attachment to the great city was felt only by those
fortunate enough to be close to him and benefit from his impressive knowledge,
culture and unrivalled artistic taste.
Once as we were chatting Dr Yusuf remarked: ''You need to know, Eyad, that no
location in the whole world was more qualified to host a city than that of
Damascus; that is why it is the oldest city in the world''.
In his unique way he went on ''It was built in the heart of a large fertile
oasis- Ghouta watered by two rivers whose sources lie in the Anti-Lebanon
mountain range, Barada – the biblical Abana (near the town of Az-Zabadani) and
Al-A'waj (from Mount Hermon) and empty in the two small lakes of Al-Otaibeh
and Al-Haijaneh, respectively. What ensures the permanent greenery and lovely
weather of Ghouta is the fact that it receives the breeze and low clouds
through a depression between the two massifs of the Anti-Lebanon, the Qalamoun
Mountains in the north and Mount Hermon in the south''.
''East of Ghouta'' Dr Ibish added ''there is the huge expanse of the Syrian
Desert which in the distant past provided the city with a defensive shield and
an escape route thus protecting it from attacks. As for the north and south,
Damascus straddled one of the greatest north-south axis routes of the ancient
world; linking Egypt and Arabia (including the ‘Incense Route') to Asia Minor
and Europe via Aleppo which was later one of the major stops on the ‘Silk
Route' from Central Asia and the Far East''.
He concluded by saying ''You see, many great cities could have been built where
they were, or a few hundred miles away. This is not the case with Damascus
which was destined by nature and the environment to be the great city it is''.
Today, perhaps for the first time since the Timurid (Tamerlane) invasion in
1400/1401 AD, the great city is under a grave demographic threat. This threat
is looking increasingly like being part and parcel of a regional-international
strategy and few in the Middle East now doubt its existence.
The painful images transmitted by the media of the suffering barely endured by
the population of the besieged towns of Wadi Barada (Barada Valley) are
actually the result of a well thought of and executed policy. The besieged
towns have been intentionally deprived of food and subjected to sniper fire by
the Assad regime's armed forces, domestic and regional militias as well as
foreign powers that support them. This episode repeats the uprooting of the
inhabitants of the city of Homs in order to maintain control of the
territories linking Damascus to the regime's Alawi stronghold in coastal
northwest Syria.
Lying west of Damascus, the Wadi Barada towns were until recently among
Syria's most beautiful summer resorts but are now paying a heavy price for
their geographical location. They are simply an obstacle delaying the final
touches of a ‘partition map' of the war-torn country. In fact, the ‘partition
map' is also being drawn in northeast Syria, ostensibly with international
blessings.
In the case of Wadi Barada, Iran's IRGC has been keen to implement a plan of
‘population exchange' whereby the local Sunnis of the Wadi's towns would be
evicted from their towns (including Az-Zabadani, Madaya, Bloudan, Buqqin etc)
and moved north. There, they would be settled in the two Shi'ite enclaves of
Nubbul and Az-Zahraa (Aleppo Provence) and Al-Fou'a and Kfarya, and perhaps
the Shi'i minority of Ma'arret Masrin (Idlib Province). The Shi'ites of the
two enclaves would then be resettled in Wadi Barada, effectively linking
Damascus with Hezbollah-dominated Lebanon.
Both areas; Wadi Barada and the northern Shi'ite enclaves have been surrounded
and threatened for some time, but the situation in the Wadi's town is
particularly bad because no food and supplies are allowed in. The two
enclaves, on the other hand can get what they need through air drops from
Syrian and Russian air craft that control Syria's skies.
Politically, the Syrian regime's strategy has always been to hold on to the
whole country; however, if such an objective becomes unachievable it does have
a ‘Plan B' in store. ‘Plan B' is based on controlling ‘Useful Syria', i.e. the
fertile heavily populated western part extending from Aleppo in the north to
the Hawran plain in the south, while leaving the vast desert and semi desert
regions to those who may desire them.
At the moment secessionist Kurdish militias are actually fighting to establish
a Kurdish ‘entity' extending from the fragile borders between northern Iraq
and northeast Syria, westwards to the Afrin ‘enclave' bordering Turkey's Hatay
Province. Tactically, secessionist Kurds see no interest in fighting a Syrian
regime that is not fighting them. In fact, the opposite is true as the Assad
regime (because of its own as well as Iran's sectarian motives) finds itself
fighting their and the Kurdish common enemy – Turkey!
Thus, in a clear case of ‘the enemy of my enemy is my friend', the Assad
regime, its local henchmen and agents have been co-operating with the Kurds
because not only are the latter threatening Turkey's government, but also its
territorial integrity.
The emergence of ISIS on the scene has certainly changed all international
considerations if not unmasked true intentions. The West's declared priorities
that the ‘Syrian regime has lost its legitimacy and has to go', have been
transformed to fully espouse the regime's side of the story of ‘confronting
terror' – meaning ‘Sunni terror'!
With such transformation complete, even Turkey's membership of NATO has been
forgotten. Firstly, it was let down by Washington on the Kurdish issue when
the White House made defending the little town of Ayn Al-Arab (Kobani) a
‘decisive' issue, while leaving Aleppo (the great capital of the province in
which Ayn Al-Arab is a backwater) helpless and starving under the bombardment
of Assad's forces and militias.
Secondly, it was let down again when Washington confirmed its full political
and military support of Iraq's Iranian-backed government, and that after
persistently refusing to create ‘safe havens' and ‘no fly zones' in northern
Syria citing military risks and high costs!
Thirdly, Turkey was again let down by Washington as well as its fellow NATO
member states when it only got a cold response to Russian threats in the
aftermath of the Russian fighter jet incident.
Thus, the overall picture is clear. Reports by respected organizations such as
‘The Syrian Network of Human Rights' which in 2015 documented in detail cases
of planned ‘enforced migration' and demographic change in areas controlled by
Kurdish militias after evicting the local Arab population to the countryside
of Al-Hassakah and Al-Raqqah Provinces. Moreover, there are well-documented
reports of what has taken place in the city of Homs and its environs following
the uprooting and driving out of the local Sunnis. Last but not least, there
have been several ‘ceasefires' in besieged greater Damascus neighbourhoods and
suburbs after blackmailing the civilian population with food and medicines
supplies and continuous shelling.
The uprooting and ‘enforced migration' of the inhabitants of the towns of Wadi
Barada is indeed a meticulously designed plan that seeks to end the presence
of Sunnis in the west of Damascus, replace them with the Shi'ites of Aleppo
and Idlib and strengthen the regime's position in the Syrian capital through
the Shi'i inhabited and Iranian guarded ‘corridor' linking it to
Hezbollah-dominated Lebanon.
Whoever said Palestine was the last of the Arab tragedies?
Eyad Abu Shakra is the managing editor of Asharq Al-Awsat. He has been with
the newspaper since 1978.
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