Zimbabwe: Unpacking Industrial Vs Mass Democracy
26 November 2009By
Reason Wafawarova
THOSE who believe that Zimbabwe is in so much
democratic trouble that the country now epitomises a
level of vulgarity and apologetics for mass suffering
and human rights abuses that any respectable democracy
in the West could never possibly reach might need to
be disabused of such illusions when consideration is
taken over the human rights record of the United
States of America.
Zimbabwe has thrived towards mass democracy by
embarking on the popular land reform programme so as
to have its population directly involved in the
economy, and we have seen the most hostile of
responses from industrial democracies in the West.
These are the people who have, since the days of the
Cold War, fought so hard against any policy or
principle that seeks to empower indigenous peoples of
former colonies, and that they did ruthlessly in the
name of "fighting communism".
The victims are too many to mention: Thomas Sankara of
Burkina Faso, Maurice Bishop of Grenada, Salvador
Allende of Chile, Patrice Lumumba of Congo, Daniel
Ortega of Nicaragua, Simon Bolivar the Venezuelan
liberator of Latin America, Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana,
Samora Moises Machel of Mozambique, Gamal Abdel Nasser
of Egypt, Pathet Lao of Laos and too many others to
mention.
These are men whose vision for their peoples was not
different from President Mugabe’s vision of returning
the land into the hands of indigenous Zimbabweans.
Sankara was brutally killed when he was establishing
popular social projects like adult education,
localising of the manufacturing industry, empowering
women, voluntary public works, building schools and
clinics and supporting co-operatives by ordinary
Burkinabe.
In 1953, the peasant population of Laos hardly knew
what an aeroplane was when they one day woke up to see
what looked like noisy metallic birds dropping lethal
bombs all over their villages.
These were American Jet fighters sent in to crush
Pathet Lao’s land reform programme.
Salvador Allende’s 1970 election win led to Henry
Kissinger condemning the whole population of Chile as
"irresponsible" and Allende was deposed by a ferocious
palace bombing in a joint operation pitting the CIA
and Augusto Pinochet in 1973.
Patrice Lumumba was the first democratically elected
Prime Minister of Congo and he was brutally murdered
in a Belgium — United States joint lethal act.
Samora Machel was cut down in a plane downing by
apartheid South Africa’s snipers in October 1986 for
his role in pushing for the liberation of Namibia and
South Africa, as well as championing the cause of
socialism in the Southern Africa.
Iden Witherell of Zimbabwe’s weekly The Independent
who writes under the name Muckracker will preach
righteously in defence of all these atrocities because
he reckons Western policies have created "comfort"
zones for the rest of mankind.
He has on numerous occasions attacked this writer for
"writing from the comfort of Australia". Last week he
took exception to this writer’s ultimate resolve
signature statement, "It is homeland or death!"
Muckraker charged that this writer was "inviting
derision" through this call for the ultimate resolve
in defending the homeland.
If this writer were to give a toss what Muckraker
thinks and to be scared of derision from people of his
kind then that would be the worst kind of insult to
the heroes that were fallen by the brutal legacy of
the people whose "comfort" Muckraker admires so much.
This writer is not resident in Australia because the
country is a land of comfort as Muckraker will proudly
preach about Western nations. Far from it. Neither is
this writer here because he enjoys "freedom and human
rights" as Muckraker keeps reminding us.
It may benefit Muckraker to know that this writer is
in this country purely because he expensively shielded
himself from deportation hawks whose only hurdle are
competent legal practitioners defending the rights of
this writer — otherwise the determination to victimise
the voice of Reason is as resolute as was the resolve
to kill Samora.
The character of this writer is being spared baseless
slander not because this country is full of
journalists who know too well how to respect the
dignity of others but because this writer has sued
some of the media attackers in the past and the
protection is in the fear of litigation than in
tolerance of divergent opinion.
This is what Muckraker proudly calls "comfort of
Australia" and he even had the temerity to declare
that this country was now this writer’s "homeland".
What cheek!
Muckraker furiously attacked the indigenisation
policies of Zimbabwe arguing investors will only go to
those countries where they would be allowed "to keep
their money while employing local people".
This is the understanding in the West.
It is the capitalist thought process.
People in the developing countries are lesser people
who are only good enough for labour provision.
Their resources are there to give profits to investors
and jobs to the locals.
Technology to develop these resources must stay where
it belongs — in the West, and labour must come from
where it must — from the Africans and other indigenous
peoples of resourced underdeveloped countries.
Locals who desire to be part of the investment
community are nothing but a tyrannous gang of
obnoxious thugs that undermine democracy and human
rights, especially property rights.
This is why Muckraker does not like Zimbabwe, or at
least he says.
By the way, if Zimbabwe was that bad, why didn’t
Muckraker leave as many who look like him did in
recent years?
Or the flip side; why doesn’t Muckraker move to the
West if he reckons there is so much "comfort" there?
Industrial democracy will fight to the bitter end any
sign of mass democracy.
Industrial democrats are scared of people power, what
Lippmann called, "the bewildered herd". This is why
the land reform programme of Zimbabwe cannot not be a
closed chapter for Western ruling elites. They simply
cannot afford to lose to people power.
The white commercial farmers who lost out were an
integral part of industry, and the corporate arm that
sponsors Western democracies clearly felt harmed by
developments that took place in Zimbabwe in 2000.
They have retaliated by fighting for a Western version
of democracy — in reality corporate or industrial
democracy that organises what Edward Herman called
"demonstration elections" where the people are
occasionally allowed to ratify leadership nominees as
chosen and sponsored by corporate elites.
The MDC-T leadership is thought to be well in the
scope of these criteria of leadership. They are
considered respectful of "property rights" and well
linked "to the civilised world".
These are terms that are carefully chosen to sanitise
the increasingly apparent greed inherent in
capitalism.
MDC-T has publicly boasted that they have "partners in
the civilised world" and this is nothing but a
propagandist approach in sanitising the human rights
record of the West.
In 1986 the American doctrinal system told the whole
world that no one so epitomised "the evil scourge of
terrorism" as Muammar Gaddafi, the "mad dog" of the
Arab world; and we were told that Libya under his
leadership had become the very model of a terrorist
state.
This was based on allegations by Amnesty International
that Libya had killed 14 of its own citizens whom it
was alleged, the Libyan government considered
dissidents.
The other reason given for this description was that
Libya had decided to retaliate after the Gulf of Sidra
attack, when a US air and naval armada sank Libyan
vessels off the coast of Libya with many killed.
The decision allegedly taken by Libya would be
entirely legitimate, indeed laudable and very much
belated, under the doctrines professed by the United
States executive and often endorsed by respected
Western commentators.
The US is, for example, fighting this "war of
necessity" in Afghanistan because they believe they
are "coming after Osama bin Laden and Al-Qaeda" who
allegedly bombed the Twin Towers in New York on
September 11, 2001.
Of course, Gaddafi was not entitled to any thoughts of
such a "war of necessity" even after the US sank his
country’s vessels and killed his own daughter and his
people.
The AI reports that Libya was engaging in "terrorist
killings" started in early 1980, at a time when Jimmy
Carter was overseeing the escalation of the terrorist
war in El-Salvador, with Jose Napoleon Duarte joining
as a cover to ensure that arms would flow from the US
to the killers.
While Libya was being accused of killing 14 of its
citizens, that way earning themselves the tag
"terrorist state", the US client regime of El Salvador
killed some 50 000 of its own citizens in the course
of what Bishop Rivera Damas (successor to the
assassinated Archbishop Romero) described as "a war of
extermination and genocide against a defenceless
civilian population".
Duarte hailed the killers for their "valiant service
alongside the people against subversion"; while in the
same speech he conceded that "the masses were with the
guerrillas".
The speech was actually delivered at the swearing in
ceremony just after Duarte had been sworn in as
president of the US-installed junta, in an effort that
was designed to lend the military rulers legitimacy
after the widely condemned murder of four American
churchwomen.
Jean Kirkpatrick and Alexander Haig played down the
murders and offered flimsy excuses to justify the
actions of the junta but no such explanation would be
acceptable if it was Gaddafi explaining himself after
killing even one American.
The problem in El Salvador had been the 1970s rise of
church-based self-help groups, peasant associations,
unions, co-operatives and other popular organisations
that the US sought to destroy in favour of industrial
democracy.
When Ronald Reagan took over from Carter he declared
that what was happening in El Salvador was "the real
model for supporting the push toward democracy in our
sphere". To him the continuing terror as documented by
Americas Watch and AI (rarely though), was
inconsequential and a matter of indifference.
During that time the US helped arming to the hilt
neo-Nazi Argentine generals, Taiwan and Israel for the
implementation of the slaughter plan that saw the
killing of 70 000 Guatemalans.
Regan dismissed the documentation of this mass murder
as a "bum rap" and extolled the killers and torturers
for their "human rights improvements" and "total
dedication to democracy".
Total dedication to industrial democracy is exactly
what it sounds literally — kill the masses and promote
industrial power and the rule of capital. This is what
Reagan was talking about.
ZDERA is a US economic sanctions law, albeit illegal
at international law, and it has been the tool for
strangulating the Zimbabwean economy to the extent
that it spawned epidemics like cholera and worsened
pandemics like HIV and Aids due to shortage of
essential medicines.
The sanctions are considered a total dedication to
democracy because they seek to restore the old
economic order before the land reforms, an order where
in Muckraker’s words "investors keep their money while
creating employment for the locals".
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