What Can We Do For Syria? Saudi Advices Were Ignored
17 December 2016
By Dr. Khaled M. Batarfi
INTERVIEWERS and Arab friends are asking where are Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the
Gulf States? Halab (Aleppo) is losing out to Russia, Iran and its militias.
Your allies in the resistance are calling for help. Have you abandoned them?
Why?
I ask them back, what could we have done to help? Let's be realistic and
specific. Do you expect the Saudi Air Force to face the Russians in a dogfight
or the Saudi Army to be ordered to enter into Halab?
How would we authorize such an action? In Yemen, we have a UN authorization.
We have a Security Council mandate. We have a desperate call for help from the
Yemeni president. When Iraq invaded Kuwait, we had all the above legal
coverage to liberate it. Both countries are neighbors and we could provide
support from Saudi bases — no need to pass through other countries' airspace
or land; and no need to provide logistics far away from home. In Syria we
don't have any of that.
But for the sake of argument, let's assume that we do have an international
authorization. And most importantly, we do have the capacity to fight on two
fronts — Yemen and Syria, while facing Iranian and Daesh threats at the same
time. Tell me how could we interfere? We are not neighbors with Syria. So do
you suggest we charge our way through other nations without their agreement?
Do you expect Jordan, Iraq, Lebanon or Turkey to just let our tank convoys
pass through and then who would provide us with air cover and needed
logistics?
From the beginning we knew our limits. Our stand was mostly political. We
tried first to convince Bashar Al-Assad to reason with his people, offering
his government all needed support. Long before the opposition resorted to
arms, the Syrians were calling for better life conditions with less
oppression. They didn't call for regime change as they did in Libya, Tunis,
Egypt and Yemen, so resorting to force was totally unnecessary.
Saudi advices were ignored, Iranian promise of resolving the situation by
force within months was believed. Al-Assad made up his mind and decided to
send tanks and aircraft to put down the demonstration. Action was met with
reaction. After eight months of peaceful resistance, Syrians took up to arms
in self-defense. We had to choose which side to support. Obviously, we chose
the Syrian people's side. But support was limited to political pressure on the
government, material help for the people, including dealing with the refugee
crisis, and light armaments for the resistance.
We worked with our regional partners and the world community to save Syria and
the Syrians through political solutions. In 2012, one year after the start of
the crisis, we had Geneva 1 agreement. The Syrian regime agreed with its
people on transferring power to a unity government that would prepare for an
election under UN supervision.
However, Iran didn't like it. It meant the loss of its obedient ally who would
facilitate its grand project of controlling Iraq, Syria and Lebanon.
Without him, who would legitimize their hegemony and rubberstamp on their
administrative and military presence in Syria? Without the loss of the Syrian
pass, Hezbollah, the Iranian agent in Lebanon, would lose its feed line. They
forced Damascus to turn against it with the promise of full Iranian
engagement. This included up to 100,000 Revolutionary Guards, Hezbollah and
other Shiite militias form Afghanistan, Pakistan and Iraq.
Years later, the situation was worsening. The regime only ruled quarter of
Syria. The rest went to various Syrian groups and Daesh. Russia, which has a
marine base in Tartos for ages, was gradually increasing its military presence
in addition to its political support. In 2015, it decided to go with full
force. Sensing Americans in do-nothing mode, it jumped in big time.
Over a year of besiege, killing and destruction at a scale that exceeded the
devastation of Berlin in 1945, and Afghanistan in 1980s, the barbaric campaign
succeeded in destroying the country and forcing Halab's surrender. That might
be the end of a battle, but certainly not the end of war. Daesh's surprise
occupation of Palmyra was a reminder of that.
Only by going back to the neglected political agreement of Geneva 1, we could
find lasting peace. Meanwhile, all we could do is to continue supporting the
Syrian people, giving them safe havens, bolstering the moderate opposition,
cultivating their unity and world resolve. The Syrian seat in the Arab League,
the Organization of Islamic Cooperation and the UN should be given to the
representative of the Syrian people.
We need also to get a resolution from the UN General Assembly for the creation
of an International Court to investigate war crimes in Syria.
That is what, realistically and practically, we could do… and, like it or not,
that is the only legitimate way to do it.
— Dr. Khaled M. Batarfi is a Saudi writer based in Jeddah. He can be
reached at kbatarfi@gmail.com. Follow him at Twitter:@kbatarfi
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