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27 April 2010 By James Zogby The Arab World is
once again waiting. This time they are waiting for
Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu to respond to a
series of demands it is believed the U.S. made of him
following the March, 2010 flare up over settlement
construction in Jerusalem; or they are waiting for the
Administration to respond to Israel’s lack of
response. By waiting and not acting they are wasting precious
time and an opportunity to define their concerns and a
political path forward. Worse still, if the past
provides a clue to the future, waiting will only lead
to disappointment. There was no question that seven weeks ago, the
Obama Administration was angered by the Israeli
announcement of new settlement construction in
Jerusalem. The U.S. reaction was immediate, harsh and
sustained over several days. Our polling showed that
American public opinion sided with the White House.
Netanyahu reacted by mobilizing his U.S.support
base, appearing before the American Israel Public
Affairs Committee’s annual conference issuing a direct
challenge to Obama. When the President remained firm,
Netanyahu mobilized his allies who organized letters
from Congress and placed full page ads in major U.S.
daily newspapers taking Obama to task for publicly
challenging Israel. All during this time, not a single Palestinian
leader visited the U.S. to make the case for
Jerusalem. Hollow protests were issued from afar, but
these said nothing new and did not register here. The
Arab League met and adjourned, but without offering
anything newsworthy, and so many Americans were left
wondering what the fuss was all about. As our polling makes clear, U.S. opinion: supports
a balanced policy toward the conflict; wants a two
state solution; and thinks the President ought to “get
tough” about continued settlement construction. Our
polls also show that while most Americans will support
the President, they simply do not understand the
Palestinians’ case or their concern with settlements.
They, therefore, are susceptible to Israeli counter
arguments (like: “these aren’t settlements, they are
neighborhoods” or “Jerusalem isn’t a settlement, it’s
our capitol”. Because these claims are made to a
largely uninformed American audience, they have the
effect of confusing or neutralizing the issue. And so, what began as “an insult to the Vice
President … and the United States” evolved into a
“crisis in the U.S.- Israel relationship” and
ultimately ended up with the Administration
reaffirming its “unshakable bond with Israel” while
still holding firm to a set of irreconcilable goals: a
“vital interest” imperative in solving the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict; a continued insistence
that Israel refrain from “provocative acts” (coupled
with a call to Palestinians to end incitement); and an
appeal to all parties to restart negotiations. I say
irreconcilable because the Netanyahu government shows
no interest in ending its settlement construction or
changing its other behaviors toward the Palestinians,
and the Palestinian leadership cannot (or dare not,
given the adverse domestic reaction it would create)
enter negotiations absent a change in Israeli policy.
When policy discussions have occurred during this
period they have focused either on the value and
nature of the U.S.- Israel relationship, whether this
current flare-up will make a difference in the
stand-off with Iran or whether the President will
outlast Netanyahu. The Palestinians, their rights and
needs, are not mentioned. A similar impasse existed between the 2008 election
and the inauguration of the new president (with the
devastating war in Gaza also occurring in this period)
and last summer during the months in which Netanyahu
refused to accept the settlement freeze President
Obama insisted was needed to create a positive
environment in which good faith negotiations could
begin. In both of these instances, instead of taking
advantage of the opportunity provided by the impasse
and using it as “teachable moment”, Arabs waited for
others to act. The US public could have been educated
and eventually mobilized. The resolve of the Obama
Administration could have been reinforced. And the
outcome might have been better. But because nothing
was done, the period was defined by Israel and the US
with no constructive Arab content provided. What should have been done and still can be done is
for Arab leadership and Palestinians, in particular,
to directly engage American opinion to both make their
case and provide concrete ideas for a solution to the
conflict. As it is, the impasse is defined as a test
of wills between what Israel wants versus what the US
says must be done. Nowhere to be found in all of this,
is the Palestinian story. Abstract appeals to
“international legitimacy” do not sway opinion, nor do
references to an “Arab Peace Initiative” that most
Americans do not understand. The issue of settlements,
for example, must be spelled out in concepts that can
be understood – ancestral lands stolen, discriminatory
housing projects built, rights denied, humiliating
repression imposed on an entire people, and freedom
denied. And the matter of statehood must be presented
as more than the solution to a pesky problem or a
begrudging acceptance of a demographic reality, it
must be elevated into a visionary right of people who
have for too long been denied freedom. What is needed
are real people telling real stories, making the
Palestinian narrative come to life. As long as the Arab side in absent and/or passive
and waiting, the game will be defined and won by
others. -- Dr. James Zogby is president of the Arab
American Institute. For comments or information,
contact James Zogby at jzogby@aaiusa.org |