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12 May 2010 By Rick Rozoff Eleven years ago
today the North Atlantic Treaty Organization was in
the seventh week of a bombing war against the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia, one which saw over 1,000
Western military planes fly over 38,000 combat
missions, bombs dropped from the sky and Tomahawk
cruise missiles launched from the Mediterranean Sea. Having quickly exhausted military targets, NATO
warplanes resorted to bombing so-called targets of
opportunity, including bridges on the Danube River,
factories, Radio Television of Serbia headquarters in
the capital (where sixteen employees were killed), a
refugee column in Kosovo, the headquarters of
political parties and the residences of government
officials and foreign ambassadors, a passenger train,
a religious procession, hospitals, apartment
courtyards, hotels, the Swedish and Swiss embassies
and the nation’s entire power grid. U.S. Apache gunships and British Harrier jet
aircraft were used for attacks on the ground and
Yugoslavia was strewn with unexploded cluster bomb
fragments and depleted uranium contamination. The 78-day bombing campaign, NATO code name
Operation Allied Force and U.S. Operation Noble Anvil,
was promoted in Washington and other Western capitals
as history’s first “humanitarian war.” The U.S. and NATO dramatically escalated the
reckless assault with an overnight attack on the
Chinese embassy in Belgrade on May 7 in which five
American bombs simultaneously struck the building,
killing three and wounding 20 Chinese citizens. The
government of China denounced the action for what it
was, a “war crime,” a “barbaric attack and a gross
violation of Chinese sovereignty” and “NATO’s
barbarian act.” During the long Cold War it was assumed that
military action by the North Atlantic military bloc
would result in the death and injury of soldiers and
civilians in member states of the Warsaw Pact. But
NATO’s first victims were Serbs and Chinese. When the war ended on June 11, the West had
achieved what it set out to accomplish: 50,000 troops under NATO’s command entered Serbia’s
Kosovo province, where over 12,000 remain eleven years
later. The Pentagon commissioned Kellogg, Brown & Root to
construct the nearly 1,000-acre Camp Bondsteel and its
sister base Camp Monteith in Kosovo, which continue to
operate to the present day. Kosovo had been wrenched from Serbia and on
February 17, 2008 declared itself an independent
nation, recognized as such by the U.S. and most all of
its NATO allies, though not by almost two-thirds of
the world’s nations. In 1999 NATO Secretary General Javier Solana moved
across the street as it were in Brussels to become the
European Union’s High Representative for Foreign
Affairs and Security Policy, in which post he
supervised a “trial separation” for what remained of
Yugoslavia, and the very name of Yugoslavia was wiped
from the map as the Western-sponsored State Union of
Serbia and Montenegro succeeded it in 2003. Three years later Montenegro, with a population
smaller than that of the American city of Memphis,
became the world’s newest nation. To demonstrate after
the fact what had been planned before, a U.S. guided
missile cruiser visited the coastal city of Tivat
within months and an American submarine, USS Emory
Land, arrived there in 2007 to mark the first
anniversary of Montenegro’s nominal independence. In the year following the break-up of the State
Union of Serbia and Montenegro, the last-named joined
NATO’s Partnership for Peace apprenticeship program
and the following year was granted an Individual
Partnership Action Plan and signed a Status of Forces
Agreement with NATO for which the U.S. is the
depositary government. In late 2009 it received a
Membership Action Plan, the final step before full
NATO membership. This March Montenegro became the 44th
nation to contribute troops for NATO’s war in
Afghanistan. All these developments occurred in four
years. Since the beginning of NATO’s post-Cold War
expansion in 1999, nations of the former Warsaw Pact
and of the former Socialist Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia have become Western military colonies,
hosting visits by and basing troops and military
equipment from NATO and its individual members,
especially the U.S. So far this year former Warsaw
Pact countries Poland, Romania, Bulgaria and most
recently Albania have announced their willingness to
accede to U.S. and NATO requests for interceptor
missile facilities to be stationed on their
territories. The U.S. has acquired four military bases in
Romania and three in Bulgaria over the past four years
and will soon activate a Patriot Advanced Capability-3
interceptor missile installation in the east of
Poland, 35 miles from the Russian border. NATO now has a major training center in Poland, the
world’s first multinational strategic airlift
operation at the Papa Air Base in Hungary, and de
facto possession of a former Soviet air base in
Lithuania. Air bases in Bulgaria and Romania were employed for
the attack on and invasion of Iraq in 2003 and have
been used regularly for the nearly nine-year U.S.-NATO
war in Afghanistan. After the invasion of Iraq, new NATO members the
Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland sent troops to the
country, as did then NATO candidates and partners
Albania, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bosnia, Bulgaria,
Croatia, Estonia, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Latvia,
Lithuania, Macedonia, Moldova, Romania, Slovakia,
Slovenia and Ukraine. Offering Washington troops for the war in Iraq was
a prerequisite for advanced NATO partnerships and
eventual full membership. Nine of the above nations
were awarded the second in return for their services.
Bosnia, Macedonia and as of last year Montenegro have
been granted Membership Action Plans, introduced at
the 1999 NATO fiftieth anniversary summit in
Washington, D.C. as the penultimate stage of full
integration. Georgia and Ukraine were presented
special Annual National Programs by NATO shortly after
Georgia’s war with Russia in August of 2008. All twelve new Eastern European NATO members have
troops in Afghanistan, as do prospective members
Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bosnia, Georgia, Macedonia and
Montenegro. NATO has taken over the former Warsaw Pact and
former Yugoslavia, in the first case without firing a
shot. In the second through two bombing campaigns
(Bosnia in 1995 and Serbia in 1999) and three
deployments of ground troops (Bosnia in 1995, Kosovo
in 1999 and Macedonia in 2001). All ex-Warsaw Pact nations outside the former
Soviet Union now have soldiers killing and dying under
NATO command in Afghanistan, as all but the former
East Germany did in Iraq, though none of them did
under Warsaw Pact obligations during the ten years of
Soviet involvement in the South Asian nation. Seven of
fifteen former Soviet republics also have troops
serving under NATO in the Afghan war zone. The U.S. and other major Alliance powers conduct
regular multinational Partnership for Peace military
manuevers in all three former Soviet Republics in the
South Caucasus – Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia – and
have held comparable exercises in Ukraine and
Kazakhstan. The major purpose of the war games and other drills
is to prepare the militaries of the host and
participating nations for interoperability in
military, including combat, missions abroad, most
prominently in Afghanistan and Iraq over the past few
years. Georgia had 2,000 troops in Iraq in 2008, at the
time the third largest foreign contingent, although
its population is only slightly over four million, a
fraction of that of the U.S., Britain and other major
troops providers. Most of those troops were flown back to Georgia on
U.S. military transport planes during the five-day war
with South Ossetia and Russia in August of 2008.
Georgia will soon have almost 900 troops in
Afghanistan, the largest per capita contribution of
any of the 50 nations supplying soldiers to NATO for
the fighting there. During the 36 years of the Warsaw Pact member
states aside from the Soviet Union rarely deployed
military units outside their borders and never
overseas. In the past decade all non-Soviet members and all
former Yugoslav republics but Serbia have had their
sons and daughters deployed by NATO to such frequently
farflung war and conflict zones as the Balkans,
Afghanistan and Iraq and adjoining countries like
Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan (Germany) and Kuwait. Over a
hundred Polish, Romanian, Bulgarian, Czech, Estonian,
Latvian, Hungarian, Lithuanian and Slovak soldiers
have returned to their homelands from Afghanistan and
Iraq in coffins. When the Soviet Red Army left Bulgaria in 1947 no
foreign troops were stationed in that nation until
U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice visited it
two years after its NATO accession to sign an
agreement on three military bases there: The Bezmer
Air Base, the Graf Ignatievo Air Base (recently
certified as meeting “100% compliance” with NATO
requirements) and the Novo Selo Training Range. The last Soviet troops left Romania in 1958. When
Nicolae Ceausescu became leader of the nation in 1965,
he distanced his country from the Soviet Union and the
Warsaw Pact, forbidding exercises and deployments
involving other states. In 2005, the year after Romania gained full NATO
membership, Condoleezza Rice visited Bucharest and
secured four bases for the Pentagon and NATO: The
Mihail Kogalniceanu Air Base (already used for the war
against Iraq), the Cincu and Smardan training bases,
and the Babadag firing range. The U.S. recently concluded military exercises with
Bulgaria – Thracian Spring – from April 22 to 28 and
led joint air force exercises with Bulgaria and
Romania from April 12 to 16 at the Aviano Air Base in
Italy. This February Romanian and Bulgarian government
officials announced that they would accept American
and NATO Standard Missile-3 interceptor installations
and the troops to man them. In 1960 Albanian leader Enver Hoxha turned against
the Soviet Union and other former Warsaw Pact allies,
aligning himself with the People’s Republic of China.
No foreign troops or bases were allowed in the
country. Starting in 1993 the U.S. Sixth Fleet began
conducting naval exercises with Albania, acquired the
use of military bases there and deployed troops to a
foward base it established near the port city of
Durres for the war against Yugoslavia in 1999. Last week the nation’s prime minister and the chief
of staff of the armed forces – after meeting with NATO
Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen – announced
their willingness to host U.S. and NATO interceptor
missile facilities and the soldiers who will accompany
them. Albania, along with Croatia, with whom U.S. Special
Operations Command NATO’s Supreme Allied Commander Europe, American
Admiral James Stavridis, was in Bulgaria on April 26
and 27 and Secretary General Rasmussen is expected
there on May 20. Before his visits to Albania and Croatia late last
month the latter said at NATO headquarters in
Brussels, “My dream will come true if – one day – we
could see all countries in the Balkans as members of
NATO. They belong to the Euro-Atlantic Community. I
hope to see their flags represented here among all
other NATO nations.” Bulgarian Foreign Minister Nikolay Mladenov visited
Washington, D.C. at the end of April to meet with
among others U.S. National Security Advisor James
Jones, and pledged support for NATO and European Union
membership for both Serbia and Kosovo. At last month’s NATO foreign ministers meeting in
Estonia, Bosnia’s Membership Action Plan was approved. NATO’s Kosovo Force is training and arming the
Kosovo Security Force, an army in formation under NATO
control. With the demise of the Cold War former members of
the Warsaw Pact may have hoped for a demilitarized
Europe, one free of armed blocs. Instead the first and
preeminent Cold War military alliance, NATO, will soon
have engulfed almost every nation on the continent. The new nations of former Yugoslavia, a founding
member of the Non-Aligned Movement which had never
been in any military bloc, will not be spared that
fate. Rasmussen won’t have long to wait for his dream to
be realized and for the flags of all nations and
pseudo-nations in Eastern Europe to fly at NATO
headquarters. And at bases in Afghanistan and other
combat zones. Foreign troops will be based permanently on their
soil as their troops are deployed far abroad. |