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22 July 2010 By Jacob G. Hornberger Last month, an Iraqi named Hamid Ahmad was killed.
At first blush, that obviously doesn’t seem very
extraordinary. After all, hundreds of thousands of
people have been killed in Iraq, both by the
U.S.-enforced sanctions before the invasion and by the
invasion and occupation themselves. What was different about this particular killing
and what makes it particularly horrible was the
identity of the killer: Hamid Ahman’s very own
32-year-old son, Abdul Haleem. What motivated Abdul Haleem to kill his father? His
father was working with the U.S. military and
supporting its occupation of Iraq. His son, on the
hand, was an insurgent, an Iraqi who was committed to
ousting his country of a foreign occupier. “Everybody hated him because he worked for the
Americans,” said Abdul. “I wanted to fight the
Americans, to kick them out. I didn’t say anything to
him. I just pulled the trigger and shot six or seven
bullets.” American interventionists, of course, tend to view
the U.S. military as a benign force, one that invaded
Iraq out of love and concern for the Iraqi people. “We
had to get rid of Saddam,” they repeatedly point out.
“He was a brutal dictator.” One big problem, however, is that when foreign
regime wages a war of aggression against another
country and then occupies that country, there are
going to be a certain number of citizens in the
invaded country who are going to oppose the
invader/occupier and with force. Such insurgents are
going to view themselves as the patriots and are going
to view their fellow citizens who cooperate with the
occupier as treasonous Quislings. It shouldn’t surprise anyone that that phenomenon
has occurred in Iraq. The situation really wouldn’t be much different if
Americans were faced with the situation that the
Iraqis have been faced with. Suppose China started a
war with the United States and that its military
forces succeeded in defeating U.S. forces. Suppose
millions of Chinese soldiers, reinforced by soldiers
from North Korea, Cuba, and Venezuela, began a
long-term occupation of the United States. Everywhere Americans went within the United States,
they would encounter foreign troops, who wielded the
same omnipotent power that U.S. troops wield in Iraq:
the power to arbitrarily stop people and search their
belongings, or to enter their homes whenever they
wanted and subject all family members, including wives
and daughters, to complete searches, to jail people
for as long as they wanted, to torture and abuse them,
and to confiscate any weapons they found. Undoubtedly, there would be a certain percentage of
Americans, both women and men, who would recognize the
handwriting on the wall — that the Chinese had won the
war and were going to be occupying America for the
indefinite future. They would become the cooperators,
the Quislings, the ones who would exhort their fellow
citizens to support the new order of things. Another percentage of Americans would remain
neutral, just going with the flow of things. But a certain percentage of Americans, perhaps
small, would become insurgents. They would decide to
risk their lives and well-being by taking on the
occupiers, attacking them and killing them with the
aim of ousting the United States of the Chinese, North
Korean, Venezuelan, and Cuban communist troops and
officials. Who would be the patriots in such a situation? The
American cooperators would consider themselves the
patriots, pointing to the good things the Chinese,
North Koreans, Cubans, and Venezuelans would be doing
in America — e.g., bringing order and stability to
American society. The American insurgents would
consider themselves the patriots, pointing out that
America was no place for foreign occupiers. Of course, it’s impossible to know whether Hamid
Ahmad would be alive today if the U.S. government had
not invaded and occupied Iraq. But one thing is for
sure: he would not have been killed by his own son for
having cooperated with the U.S. invasion and
occupation of his country. Jacob Hornberger is founder and president of The
Future of Freedom Foundation. |