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01 September 2010
By
Muhammad Sagagi
If given the mandate to lead in 2011, IBB pledges to
‘do more to open the economy...... (to) ensure that it
is private sector –driven ...in such a way that there
is less government.....’ (Sunday Trust: July
25, 2010, p7). This of course is the all too familiar
orthodox, Washington-Consensus type thinking
that ‘big governments’ stifle rather than promote
growth. Based on this thinking, an ‘open, private
sector-driven economy’ with ‘less government’ is in
itself one of the many indicators of a ‘healthy’
macro-economic environment and is considered a
pre-requisite for economic development. Simply put,
the basic thrust of this economic agenda is to allow
the market mechanism to allocate resources by:
liberalizing the economic space to create a level
playing field, privatizing ‘ailing’ state enterprises
and ensuring macro-economic stability. And IBB
confidently asserts: ‘once you do that you will
get the maximum’.
These policy prescriptions are not new, having
featured as the key specifics of IBB’s IMF-imposed
Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) and OBJ’ ‘home
grown’ economic reform agenda- NEEDS. Indeed, the
Nigerian version of ‘small-government-market-activism’
was started by IBB (1986-1993), shunned by Abacha
(1993-1998) and reincarnated by OBJ (1999-2007). SAP
and NEEDS are ‘co-joined twins’. Both regimes had
sought to implement these ‘reform measures’ with
disastrous consequences. The outcomes of their
relentless pursuit of a ‘dynamic, private sector
–propelled’ economy are clearly at variance with
announced policy intentions. Nigeria simply fails to
take-off!
Consider their cocktail of policies and policy
intentions. First, IBB and OBJ completely trusted the
ability of the market mechanism to allocate resources
and to determine ‘realistic’ prices and ‘appropriate’
rates. They therefore jettisoned development planning
and opted for what Professor Aluko once described as ‘trial
and error economics’. IBB’s SAP abolished
marketing boards, which hitherto determined/regulated
agricultural commodity prices, eliminated internal
price controls, promulgated the SFEM (later IFEM)
decree of 1986 to liberalize foreign exchange
dealings, deregulated interest rates and allowed banks
to fix deposit and lending rates in line with ‘the
dictates of the markets’. They sought to promote the
growth and diversification of the economy - and reduce
over dependence on the oil and gas sector in respect
of foreign exchange and internal revenue earnings.
Whereas IBB simply wanted the economy ‘back on track’
with healthy balance of payments, OBJ had a more
ambitious vision: to grow the economy at double digit
rates to enable Nigeria catch up with the likes of
Brazil, India, Russia and China (the ‘BRICs’) and
possibly become one of the 20 most influential
economies in the world-by 2020!
Second, to curtail what the policy makers perceived as
the ‘pervasive’ influence of the state and enlarge the
size of the private sector, IBB’s Technical Committee
on Privatization and Commercialization (TCPC) and
OBJ’s Bureau of Public Enterprises (BPE) embarked on
large scale sale of public assets. The envisaged
outcomes were two: a more efficiently run and globally
competitive privatized enterprises- with lasting
impact on incomes, employment and poverty; and a
leaner public sector which would be more responsive to
the needs of the larger and preferred private sector.
Third, a key component of the ‘open economy’ agenda
was the liberalisation of trade and payments system.
SAP ‘adjusted’ the value of the Naira to, ostensibly,
increase domestic firms’ export orientation. It opted
for a uniform tariff structure, did away with all
non-tariff barriers to international trade and
abolished concessionary duties on inputs for approved
users. The expected benefits of ‘openness’ were
improved competitiveness of local industries, greater
access to foreign direct investments and to modern
technology.
Finally, the IMF had determined that ‘macro-economic
stability’ was a crucial economic performance
indicator. IBB and OBJ acquiesced, adopted it as a new
religion and embarked on a cocktail of extremely
poisonous policies to achieve it. They cut spending,
especially on social infrastructure, removed fuel
subsidies, curtailed credit and adjusted the exchange
rate- all in an effort to reduce deficit and fight
inflation.
Neither IBB’s SAP nor OBJ’s NEEDS got the ‘maximum’ in
spite of the intensity and wide scope of ‘economic
reform’. OBJ’s economy achieved macro-economic
stability and grew faster than IBB’s, but remains
structurally defective and unstable with uncertain
future. Diversification has failed to be achieved and
the economy remains dependant on the oil and gas
sector in respect of foreign exchange and internal
revenue earnings.
The manufacturing sector’s journey to the abyss began
with IBB’s blind pursuit of trade and payments
liberalization policy-which exposed domestic
enterprises to unfair competitive practices from
foreign firms. IBB’s ‘market forces’ decided that our
currency was over-valued and our interest rates low-
and proceeded to determine their more ‘appropriate’
values. The Naira was battered beyond recognition: it
depreciated against the US $ by 2367% between 1985 (US
1$=89K) and 1993 (US 1$=N22). Interbank rates soared
to 50% and lending rates were unquotable! The sector
was denied access to inputs-whether imported or
domestically produced-and to commercial bank credit.
It was difficult for the sector to withstand such
sudden, excruciating shocks. IBB’s private sector
shrank!
Indeed, outside the oil & gas and telecommunication
sub-sectors, OBJ’s reform initiatives have had limited
impact on private sector growth, efficiency or global
competitiveness. Very few of the privatized
enterprises are doing well. The rest are
‘wobbling or lagging behind’. The private
sector’s ‘rent-seeking and unproductive culture
of over-dependence on government patronage and
contracts’ has not abated.
Neither IBB’s nor OBJ’s pro-market reform agenda
impacted positively on incomes, employment or living
standards. Nigeria is today ranked amongst the poorest
countries in the World, with more than 54 million
people -36% of the population- living in extreme
poverty and many more living on less than a $/day: and
therefore barely able to meet the basic necessities of
food and shelter. NEEDS’s numerous promises of new and
improved social & economic infrastructure (10,000 MW
of electricity, for example) and its target of 7
million new jobs by 2007 could not be delivered. On
the contrary, unemployment has increased significantly
and basic public services have collapsed-because of
decayed and dysfunctional infrastructure. 53% of the
population do not use improved source of water and
access to electricity is even more constrained. Only
50% of school-age children attend school- many of
which are lacking in basic facilities. Millions are
forced to roam the streets as beggars, child labourers
or hawkers of re-charge cards and ‘pure’ water. Life
expectancy is below 50 years and probability of not
surviving to age 40 is nearly 38. Maternal, Infant and
Child Mortality Rates are just too depressing to quote
freely!
Clearly, in renewing his pledge to revisit ‘the market
strategy’ IBB appears not in tune with the
contemporary realities of the Nigerian society or the
dynamics of the global economy. Yes, the private
sector is important and needs to be supported on a
sustained basis-especially where it shows willingness
to give up its rent-seeking behaviour, and engage in
productive, pro-growth activities. The CBN’s current
pro-private sector ‘activism’-referred to as
‘developmental economics’ by Issa Aremu- is
certainly commendable. But for an under-developed
economy, with severe structural defects, a private
sector that is weak and meek is not a viable
alternative to a strong and progressive government in
economic transformation. A ‘small government’ as is
being canvassed by IBB cannot be the foundation upon
which the conditions for rapid growth and development
can be erected.
IBB must read the lips of world leaders from North
America to Europe and Asia: The ‘market mechanism’
lacks the discipline or the coherence and orderliness
to ensure a stable and efficient economic system. A
big government with efficient institutions and
appropriate infrastructure is the key to economic
growth. |