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13 December 2010 By Osman
Mirghani Sudan will effectively suffer two losses if it opts
to carry out the referendum on southern self
determination on schedule on 9 January 2011 without
first resolving its outstanding and volatile issues.
The referendum, which is most likely to result in
southern secession, is supposed to put an end to a
long history of wars between the north and the south,
rather than planting the seeds for another conflict,
which this time will be fiercer and far more costly
[than previous wars]. What is the point of the country
paying such a steep price of accepting the referendum
and division if this does not result in peace and
stability? So far, this does not seem to be a promising
situation in light of the rising tensions and the
failure to solve the Abyei issues and reach an
agreement on border demarcation which in my opinion is
the most important issue, in addition to failing to
solve other outstanding disputes over oil, water
resources, debts and citizenship. Despite these
problems, there is strong pressure for the referendum
to take place on schedule, on the basis that the
outstanding problems can be carried forward and
resolved during the transitional period, which will
last for 6 months immediately following the
referendum, ending in July 2011. However this would be
risky, as the negotiations that are taking place today
are being conducted between two parties within the
same country, and there is an incentive for a
resolution to be reached in order for these problems
not to prevent the referendum taking place on time.
However following the referendum and the likely
secession [of the south], these negotiations will
practically be negotiations between two independent
states, despite the fact that the southern state will
not "officially" be established until the end of the
transitional period, or 11 July 2011, as stipulated by
the Comprehensive Peace Agreement. This would see the
negotiations being far more difficult with national
sentiment being at its peak, especially in the south
which would be overjoyed upon winning secession. This
would mean that many [in the south] would see making
any concessions in the border issues a continuation of
the south's submission to the north. If these
outstanding issues triggered a war, this war would
certainly differ from previous conflicts as both the
north and south are well-armed, particularly the south
which has spent much of its oil revenues on purchasing
arms and enhancing its military capabilities. What is even more dangerous is that the two sides
are planning to export their problems and conflict
beyond their borders should relations continue to
decline. Khartoum is accusing the southern government
of seeking to rally armed militias in Darfur to
inflame the conflict there in the event of a war
breaking out between the north and south, whether this
is a direct war or a proxy war. Sudanese government
officials have issued warnings to the southern
government in Juba about Minni Arcua Minnawi's – who
leads a faction of the Sudanese Liberation Movement –
and the appearance of his fighters in the south, in
preparation of resuming the war in Darfur. Although
the south denies providing any supporting to Minnawi
and his faction, or even allowing them to use the
south as a base of operations to launch offensives in
Darfur, the writing is on the wall, as they say. The
Darfur-based Justice and Equality Movement [JEM] is
also operating along the border between the north and
the south and is being pursued by the Sudanese forces,
which has led to cross-border bombardment. As long as
the war in Darfur carries on, the north's flank will
remain exposed, in addition to this the southern
self-determination referendum could encourage other
movements in western or eastern Sudan to demand
self-autonomy. For their part, the southerners are accusing the
al-Bashir government of arming northern tribes located
in the region adjacent to the south, as well as of
mobilizing the al-Masiriya tribes that are contending
for the Abyei region and which are demanding the right
to participate in the referendum on the basis that
they have always existed in the region between the
north and the south, using this area as pastureland.
Juba has also accused Khartoum of supporting and
arming movements that have split from the south's
ruling Sudanese People's Liberation Movement [SPLM].
Some believe that the key to solving the issues
between the north and south lies in Abyei, on the
basis that this is the time bomb that could plunge the
entire country into chaos; therefore solving this
problem now would alleviate pressure and help in
resolving all other issues. However if this remains
unresolved, this could hinder the referendum at the
last minute. Even if the referendum itself is not
affected, peace between the two parties will be in
jeopardy [if this issue is not resolved]. What is
certain is that the referendum on the future of Abyei
will not take place on schedule, at the same time as
the southern referendum for the voter registration
period is over, whilst the dispute over who is
eligible to vote [in this referendum] has yet to be
settled. The only possible solution lies in an
agreement being reached between the governments of the
north and south, or via the mediation efforts that are
being led by former South African President Thabo
Mbeki and supported by western parties such as the US,
Britain, and Norway. There are a number of proposals
on the table, the worst of which is a proposal for the
temporary "lease" or "division" of the Abyei region
for a period of seven years, during which western
countries will finance a development program for the
al-Masiriya tribal areas in the north so that it does
not join the south. When this lease expires, these
regions would then return to the south. However a
solution such as this is nothing more than a
painkiller, for although it dulls the pain it does not
eliminate the root causes of the problem, and
therefore Abyei would remain a pressure card that
could potentially be used to inflame [the country].
Sudan must resolve its problems before the
referendum, not after it. The international community
must take action and exert pressure to ensure this,
rather than proposing that these issues be delayed and
dealt with during the transitional period. A renewed
war between the north and south would not only result
in the loss of 100 billion dollars – according to a
recent special report- but the repercussions of this
war could reverberate from Cairo to Cape Town, and
from Djibouti to Dakar. This sentiment was expressed
by President Obama's Special Envoy to Sudan Scott
Gration in his interview with Asharq Al-Awsat last
week, and I do not think that he was
over-exaggerating. |