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25 May 2011 By
Jacob G. Hornberger Among the most potent weapons employed by the
Syrian dictatorship have been the arbitrary arrest,
confinement, and torture of people without trial.
Syrian police and military are simply arresting people
without cause, jailing them indefinitely without
trial, and torturing them. No formal charges are necessary. No trial is
necessary. The victim simply sits in jail and is
tortured until the government decides to let him go,
which could be never. That was the type of thing that our American
ancestors were concerned about when they were asked to
call the federal government into existence through
approval of the Constitution. That's why the privilege
of habeas corpus was included in the Constitution and
why the Fourth, Fifth, Sixth, and Eighth Amendments
were included in the Bill of Rights. For more than 200 years, those particular
constitutional provisions precluded federal officials
from doing what the Syrian dictatorship is doing. In order to arrest a person, the U.S. government
needs evidence establishing "probable cause" that a
person has committed a crime. No probable cause, no
arrest. Once a person is taken into custody, he is taken
before a federal magistrate for the purpose of setting
bail. The purpose of bail is to permit a person
accused of a crime to remain free until the trial by
posting cash or a surety bond that he will forfeit if
he fails to appear. The person has a right to a preliminary hearing
before a federal magistrate, at which the government
must establish probable cause that the person has, in
fact, committed a crime. If sufficient evidence is not
produced, the judge orders the person released from
custody. Even if probable cause is established at the
preliminary hearing, to continue holding the person
the government must secure a formal charge against him
from a grand jury, a formal judicial body consisting
of citizens appointed by a federal judge. That formal
charge is known as an indictment; it cites the
specific federal law that has been violated (e.g.,
terrorism). If the grand jury fails to issue an
indictment, the government is required to release the
person from custody. If an indictment is issued, the person is entitled
to a trial, either by jury, if he chooses a jury, or
with the judge determining guilt or innocence. At the trial, the person is presumed innocent. The
burden is on the government to prove the person's
guilt with sufficient competent evidence that
convinces the jury (or judge) beyond a reasonable
doubt that the person is, in fact, guilty. During the trial, the person has the right to
cross-examine the government's witnesses, which is
usually done through his lawyer. Hearsay statements —
that is, statements made outside the courtroom — are
not permitted except under certain exceptional
circumstances. The person cannot be forced to testify
but is free to do so. He is also free to call
witnesses on his behalf. If the person is found not guilty, the government
is required to release him immediately. That was the American system of justice for more
than 200 years. It came to an end on September 11,
2001, at least with respect to federal terrorism
cases. During that so-called emergency, President Bush
unilaterally made terrorism either a crime or an act
of war, at the option of federal officials. That meant
that people could now be arbitrarily picked up and
treated as "enemy combatants" in the "war on
terrorism" and thereby be denied the rights and
guarantees provided criminal defendants in federal
terrorism cases. If the government opted for the criminal-defendant
route, the accused would be accorded all the rights
and guarantees of the Constitution and the Bill of
Rights. However, if the government opted for the
enemy-combatant route, the accused would be accorded
none of them. In the latter case, federal officials
wield the same powers that are now being exercised by
the Syrian dictatorship. The protection of the accused from arbitrary
arrest, confinement, and torture that is guaranteed by
the U.S. Constitution and the Bill of Rights is
undoubtedly one of the greatest achievements in the
history of freedom and civilization. Unfortunately, that tremendous achievement came to
an end on 9/11, when U.S. officials used the
opportunity to seize the same emergency powers that
the Syrian dictatorship is now exercising. Americans
must now live with the hope that U.S. officials
exercise their post-9/11 dictatorial powers more
benevolently than the Syrian tyrants are. Jacob Hornberger is founder and president of The
Future of Freedom Foundation. |