Always Ready For Death: Leadership
Succession In al-Qaeda
05 June 2011
By Michael Scheuer
In the wake of Osama bin Laden's death, it is of first
importance to confront the reality that al-Qaeda is an
insurgent organization, not a terrorist group. This is
not a mere semantic difference.
–Al-Qaeda remains a formidable foe, even after bin
Laden's death, because it is a large, veteran,
well-organized, and resilient insurgent group that
long ago institutionalized planning for leadership
succession in all facets of its operations, military,
financial, logistical, training, etc.
–There is, in fact, no better proof that al-Qaeda is
an insurgent organization — and that the West fools
itself by terming it a "terrorist group" — than its
ability to absorb the killing of so many senior
leaders while still functioning effectively and
expanding in numbers and geographical reach.
–In terms of senior leaders killed, moreover, there is
no Islamist terrorist group America has ever fought
that could have endured and survived the punishment
U.S. military and intelligence services have meted out
to al-Qaeda since the late 1990s.
Bin Laden and al-Qaeda are both products of the Afghan
jihad against the Soviets and their Afghan communist
allies (1979-1992). This experience not only taught
them that with faith, patience, and contiguous safe
haven a superpower can be beaten, but that any group
aspiring to fight and defeat a superpower must be
prepared to suffer heavy and repeated loses not only
of foot soldiers but also of leaders, including the
most senior leaders of an organization.
–Bin Laden built al-Qaeda on the pattern of the major
Afghan Islamist insurgent groups that fought the Red
Army; namely, those of Ahmad Shah Masood, Gulbuddin
Hekmatyar, Abdul Rasul Sayyaf, and Yunis Khalis. These
groups all suffered steady and significant leadership
casualties at the hands of the Soviet military, which
engaged in assassination operations on both sides of
the Afghanistan-Pakistan border during their ten-year
occupation of the former. The Soviets found it
impossible to defeat the Afghan insurgent
organizations by killing their leaders, a process
Washington is now calling "cutting off the head of the
snake."
–The Afghan Islamist groups, moreover, put a great
deal of effort into succession planning not just
because of Soviet targeted killings, but also because
they suffered significant leadership loses from the
internecine battles that raged between and among them;
this was especially true for the groups of Masood and
Gulbuddin. To date, this source of leadership losses
is not one al-Qaeda has faced.
–Bin Laden — and, incidentally, Mullah Omar — took
this lesson to heart, and since the early 1990s built
an organization that expends substantial amounts of
time, thought, and training preparing for leadership
succession at all its levels.
As noted, the attrition of al-Qaeda's leadership ranks
has been steady for much more than a dozen years.
Renditions, targeted killings, and battlefield kills
and captures have all taken a toll, and yet there is
little indication that the U.S.-NATO coalition has
anything more than a body count to show for its work.
Killing or capturing al-Qaeda leaders one at a time
provides no credible metric with which to measure the
overall progress of the U.S.-NATO war effort.
For the core of al-Qaeda, successful preparation for
leadership losses is most apparent in the position of
the group's overall military commander.
–Al-Qaeda's first military commander, Abu Ubaydah al-Panshiri,
for example, died in Africa by drowning in May, 1996.
–Abu Ubaydah was replaced by Muhammad Atef — also
known as Abu Hafs al-Masri — who ran al-Qaeda's
military operations until he was killed in Kandahar in
November, 2001.
–Muhammad Atef was immediately succeeded by the
former-Egyptian Special Forces officer, Sayf al-Adl.
–Sayf al-Adl remained commander until he was caught
while traveling in Iran and held under house arrest
for several years by Iranian authorities.
–Al-Adl was replaced by Abu Faraj al-Libi, who was
captured in Pakistan in May, 2005.
–Al-Qaeda's overall military commander since Abu
Faraj's death has been difficult to determine from
open sources, but much attention has been focused on
the U.S.-citizen Muslim, Adnan Shukrajuma.
–Most recently, Sayf al-Adl is reported to have been
released by Iran and has returned to al-Qaeda. Media
reports claim al-Adl has been named interim leader for
bin Laden. After bin Laden's permanent successor is
selected by al-Qaeda's Shura Council, al-Adl may
resume his former post as al-Qaeda's overall military
commander, and Shukrajuma may return to leading
operations aimed at the continental United States, a
post he is reported to have held before the death of
Abu Faraj.
The foregoing rough — and perhaps incomplete —
chronology represents a significant level of attrition
among al-Qaeda's senior leaders, and yet, through it
all, U.S. and British civilian and military
intelligence estimates have continued to conclude that
al-Qaeda remains a potent threat to the United States
and its major allies at home and abroad.
It also must be noted that core al-Qaeda's ability to
fill significant and recurring leadership losses is
also a characteristic shared by its branches outside
South Asia.
–In Yemen, for example, al-Qaeda's senior and talented
chief, Abu Ali al-Harethi, was killed by a drone
strike early in the war. Al-Qaeda in Yemen had
difficulty in immediately finding a qualified
replacement and lost several of al-Harethi's
successors until Abu Wahayashi escaped from a Yemeni
prison and took over the post. Wahayashi — bin Laden's
former private secretary — now commands al-Qaeda-in-the-Arabian
Peninsula [AQAP] and must be viewed as a candidate to
succeed bin Laden. AQAP also appears to be al-Qaeda's
preferred venue for exhibiting and developing the
talents of U.S.-citizen Muslim volunteers who join the
group, including Samir Khan and Anwar al-Awlaki.
–In Saudi Arabia, the al-Qaeda organization lost at
least a half dozen leaders since its first leader,
Abd-al-Aziz al-Muqrin, was killed in the middle of
2003. This severe attrition in large part led to
combining the Saudi and Yemeni branches of al-Qaeda
and basing the overall command of al-Qaeda operations
on the Arabian Peninsula in Yemen.
–In Iraq, al-Qaeda-in-Iraq [AQI] lost its commander,
Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, in 2006 and then lost his
replacement and its Iraq military commander — Abu Umar
al-Baghdadi and Abu Ayyub al-Muhajir, respectively —
on the same day in 2010. The now resurgent AQI
organization currently is led by Abu Bakr Husseini
al-Baghdadi.
–Al-Qaeda-in-the-Islamic-Mahgreb [AQIM], al-Qaeda's
allied group in Somalia [al-Shabbab], and al-Qaeda's
branches in Lebanon and Palestine have likewise
replaced killed senior leaders while continuing to
conduct organizational expansion, media activities,
and military operations.
–Beyond the leaders of these branches, al-Qaeda also
has replaced such senior figures as Khalid Shaykh
Muhammad, Tawfiq bin Atash, Abu Zubaydah, Abd al-Rahim
al-Nasiri, Abd al-Hadi al-Iraqi, Abu Layth al-Libi,
Abu Mustafa Abu-al-Yazid, and dozen or more senior
leaders who were captured before 9/11.
While planning for succession always has been a
priority for al-Qaeda, the process was intensified
after 9/11 both because of the group's losses and bin
Laden's concern for al-Qaeda's survivability in the
event of his death, whatever its cause.
–Since he began speaking publicly in 1996, bin Laden
said that he did not expect to live to see the end of
the war he had declared against the United States. His
wish, he said, was to die a martyr; he hoped that, if
God granted him such a death, his blood would inspire
young Muslims to join the jihad, which he clearly
expected to be a multi-generational struggle.
–Reflecting this fatalism, bin Laden and his
lieutenants after 9/11 began to disperse the
organization in an effort to ensure that it could not
be decapitated by the kind of operation that finally
killed bin Laden. In this effort, they were
overwhelmingly successful.
–At 9/11, for example, the majority of al-Qaeda's
manpower, training facilities, and planning operations
were concentrated in Afghanistan, and much of that
infrastructure was wrecked by the U.S.-NATO coalition
by the middle of 2002.
–But even given this disaster, bin Laden presided over
a dispersal process that today sees al-Qaeda with some
presence in Afghanistan, and strong branches in
Pakistan, Yemen, Iraq, Somalia, the Levant, Palestine,
Iraq, and across North Africa. Objectively, al-Qaeda
today possesses a larger organization than it had at
9/11, as well as a far broader geographic base.
–In addition, bin Laden in the last five years of his
life devoted time and resources to building al-Qaeda's
influence and operational capabilities in the
English-speaking world. Through the rhetorical,
operational, and media skills of U.S.-citizen Muslims
like Azzam al-Amriki [Adam Gadahn], Adnan Shukrajuma,
Samir Khan [Inspire Magazine], Omar Hammami [Somalia],
and Anwar al-Awalki, al-Qaeda has inspired
U.S.-citizen Muslims to undertake violent activities
inside the United States, men such as Major Nidal
Hassan [Fort Hood], Najibullah Zazi [NYC subways], and
Faisal Shahzad [Times Square].
–That bin Laden consciously sought to prepare al-Qaeda
and the Islamic world for his demise can also be seen
in his relative quiet over the past five years, a
quiet that was filled by repeated media presentations
showcasing men from al-Qaeda's next generation of
leaders — men such as Abu Yaha al-Libi, Anwar al-Awalki,
Abu Wahayashi, and Azzam al-Amriki. This process was
aimed at acquainting Muslims with al-Qaeda's future
leaders.
–Overall, the success of al-Qaeda's dispersal efforts
has not only made the organization nearly impossible
to decapitate, it has given it multiple operational
platforms it did not possess in 2001. The activities
of these branches, moreover, give many more men the
opportunity to train, gain combat experience, and
develop as leaders than did the al-Qaeda organization
that existed on or before 9/11. The branches — which
today are seldom the venue of U.S. drone or Special
Forces attacks — likewise ensure that a pool of
quality leadership candidates is largely safe and
readily available for al-Qaeda's senior leaders to
designate as successors-in-waiting for those leaders
who surely will be lost in combat or via capture.
In conclusion, it is fair to say that al-Qaeda has
long been well prepared to handle the unexpected death
of leaders, even of bin Laden himself.
–After nearly 16 years of trying, as the last three
U.S. presidents have said, to bring al-Qaeda's leaders
"to justice one at a time," the West finds itself
faced with a most welcome body count of dead al-Qaeda
leaders, but with no credible measure of progress
against the group as a whole, much less the movement
it inspires and instigates.
–While the West must clearly continue to kill and
capture as many al-Qaeda leaders in as many places as
possible, this alone will not stop the steady growth
in al-Qaeda's size and thus in its ability to replace
leaders. Likewise, the martyrdom of bin Laden and
other senior leaders is likely to inspire numbers of
young men to join the cause.
–Until the West's political leadership accepts the
clear reality that young Muslims are inspired to join
al-Qaeda and its Islamist allies not only because of
the words and deeds of the groups and their leaders,
but because of what Western governments do in the
Muslim world, U.S. military and intelligence services
will find that their efforts to kill or capture al-Qaeda
leaders and other Islamist chiefs will do little to
slow the growth of the international militant Islamist
movement in the coming generation, and with it the
threat to U.S. interests at home and abroad.
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