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26 April 2012
By Jacob G. Hornberger Let's assume that an American critic of U.S.
foreign policy goes abroad and travels around the
Middle East delivering a series of lectures, speeches,
and articles attacking the U.S. invasions and
occupations of Iraq and Afghanistan. He refuses to
support the troops, saying that when people are
engaged in wrongdoing, regardless of their particular
occupation, they should not be supported by people of
conscience. He repeatedly calls for an end to U.S.
imperialism and interventionism, including a
termination of all U.S. foreign aid to dictatorships,
the Israeli government, and every other regime in the
world. The president calls a super-secret meeting of his
super-secret assassination commission, which has the
authority to conduct super-secret deliberations on the
assassination of people, including Americans. The
commission determines that the American critic, as a
terrorist sympathizer and a critic of the troops,
hates his country and, even worse, is a grave threat
to national security and therefore needs to be either
captured and tortured to death or assassinated as an
illegal enemy combatant in the war on terrorism. One person on the president's staff, however, says,
"Mr. President, I think such an assassination might be
illegal. Americans have the right to criticize their
government anywhere in the world. If that American is
killed by torture or assassination, you, the military,
and the CIA might well be guilty of illegal acts for
which all of you could be criminally prosecuted." So, what does the president do to protect himself
and his troops? He asks for a legal opinion from the Justice
Department's Office of Professional Responsibility.
The OPR delivers an opinion to him saying that since
we're at war against the terrorists, a war that is
perpetual in nature, the president can put on his
commander-in-chief helmet anytime he wants. When he
puts on that helmet, the OPR attorneys tell him, he
has all the powers of a military dictator, just like,
say, Gen. Augusto Pinochet had in Chile. As such, he
wields the power to kill anyone he deems is a threat
to national security. So, the president orders the military and the CIA
to kill the American critic either through torture or
assassination. His military and his CIA loyally carry
out his orders and report back that they have removed
the threat to national security. When the wife and children of the victim sue the
president for the wrongful death of their husband and
father, the courts will dismiss the suit, holding that
the president is immune from liability. The courts
will hold that the president has the authority to wage
war against the terrorists and that the courts will
not second-guess his actions to eliminate threats to
national security. Moreover, the courts will hold that
the victim was provided plenty of due process during
the several hours of secret deliberations by the
president's assassination commission. The courts will
also hold that the president acted in good faith by
seeking and securing a legal opinion from the OPR
authorizing him to terminate threats to national
security. Finally, the courts will say that to allow
such a suit to continue might result in the disclosure
of the standards by which the assassination commission
makes its decisions, which would obviously threaten
national security. So, the family sues the military and the CIA for
the wrongful killing of their son. But the courts, again, will immediately dismiss the
lawsuit, holding that the troops and the CIA cannot be
held liable for doing their job and following the
orders of their commander-in-chief. The military and
the CIA are immune from all such lawsuits, the courts
will hold. So, the family sues the lawyers at the Office of
Professional Responsibility, especially the ones who
prepared the legal opinion stating that the killing
would be legal. The courts will say, "Oh, no, the
lawyers can't be held liable because they just wrote
an opinion. They didn't kill anyone. Even if their
opinion was wrong, it was nonetheless just an opinion,
one that the president, the military, and the CIA were
free to reject. Immunity for the lawyers too!" Far-fetched? Not at all. The scenario actually describes the
type of society under which Americans now live. In
fact, it's not much different, in principle, from the
society in which the Chilean people lived under
Augusto Pinochet. Under Pinochet, the military and DINA (Chile's
counterpart to the CIA) were taking people into
custody, torturing them to death, and assassinating
them. It was all done as part of the war on terrorism
and the war on communism. The Chilean courts took the
same position that the U.S. courts now take — that
since the president, the military, and the CIA were
involved in wartime operations, the courts would not
second-guess or interfere with their operations. Thousands of Chilean people were arrested,
tortured, and executed, all without trials. The
president, the military, and DINA had determined that
they were terrorists and communists. The courts
declined to interfere with their wartime operations
and held that they were immune from lawsuits brought
by the families of the victims. In fact, it was during that time that the CIA
worked with the Chilean authorities to execute a young
American journalist named Charles Horman, who opposed
the Pinochet regime and who apparently was considered
a threat to the national security of both Chile and
the United States. Just like President Bush and President Obama,
Pinochet sent his forces into other countries to
assassinate people, including Chileans living abroad,
who were determined to be threats to national
security, i.e., terrorists or communists or both. One
of these was a former Chilean diplomat named Orlando
Letelier, who was living here in the United States and
publicly criticizing Pinochet's policies. Pinochet's forces assassinated Letelier and his
young assistant Ronni Moffitt on the streets of
Washington, D.C. Surprisingly, the Justice Department
considered it to be murder, but Pinochet considered as
a wartime assassination. Needless to say, the Chilean
courts during the Pinochet regime took the same
position that U.S. courts take today — that the
president, the military, and DINA were immune from
liability. Obviously, there has been a fundamental reordering
of American society since 9/11, one that now strongly
resembles the military dictatorship of Augusto
Pinochet. Like Pinochet, the president now has the
omnipotent power to torture Americans to death, or
incarcerate indefinitely without trial, or assassinate
them. All he has to do is get a favorable opinion from
the lawyers and have the military or the CIA do the
dirty work and everyone will then be held immune from
liability by the courts. Heck, the least they could have done after 9/11 is
secure a constitutional amendment that stated: "The
president, the military, and the CIA will now have all
the omnipotent powers to wage the war on terrorism
(and the war on communism, if necessary) that Chilean
military strongman Augusto Pinochet had during his
military dictatorship in Chile." Jacob Hornberger is founder and president of the
Future of Freedom Foundation. |