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18 November 2012 By Abdul Rahman Al-Rashed When talking about Kuwait's
political crises you feel as though you are in
Lebanon; whenever you search for a solution, you get
lost in a more complicated maze. This is simply
because the political regime there is a modern one
built on old standards. In Lebanon, there are
elections, and nevertheless it does not matter who
gets the most votes. The President of the Republic is
a Christian, the Prime Minister is a Sunni, the
Speaker of Parliament is a Shiite, and nearly a
thousand government positions are filled in accordance
with this spiraling ladder. In Kuwait, regardless of
the voting results, the parliament continues to oppose
the government and therefore crises are endless. I do not want to go into the controversy
surrounding Kuwait this time for one simple reason: I
cannot understand it despite listening to the
arguments of numerous friends of mine, and despite my
extensive readings about the new developments there.
In my opinion, the most important thing to be decided
is not who is right and who is wrong, but rather who
is the authority; what is the frame of reference for
this Kuwaiti political struggle? Is it the Emir, the
constitutional court, the judiciary or the street? As
for the disagreement itself, this is a natural
occurrence in a vibrant community such as that of
Kuwait. But who has the final say whenever there is a
disagreement over dividing electoral districts, who
decides whether a citizen has one vote or four, who
determines the parliament's powers? Clearly the worst
is yet to come. As far as I'm concerned, the constitutional court
is normally the frame of reference in most democratic
states. Certainly in Kuwait the Emir must command
respect, for he is a symbol of the system as a whole,
but he himself acknowledged that "constitutionalism"
was the frame of reference during a previous political
disagreement. Part of the opposition, by marginalizing
the constitution and seeking to magnify the
parliament's role, are seeking to eliminate the
balance of power between authorities, which is the
basis for any political system in the world. As for
those who consider the street as the sole frame of
reference, they are virtually discounting the existing
regime in its entirety, but this can only be the case
when a revolution erupts. Only then can statutory
frames of reference be discounted. The strong sentiments in Kuwait today are
reminiscent of early last year in Egypt, when a noisy
uproar escalated in the name of the "people". Now,
many are admitting that mistakes were committed at the
beginning, and are attempting to rectify them. Yet it
is too late for the majority of these mistakes to be
rectified because presidential elections have taken
place and the government and parliament have been
selected before a consensus was reached on a
constitution. In Kuwait there is a clear desire for reform, but
this must be accompanied by an acceptance of the
constitutional frame of reference in the first place.
There seems to be considerable controversy, and the
opposition is consistent in its opposition against the
government, yet it is not united from within. Some
have limited objections, such as those concerning the
number of electoral districts and votes and so on,
whilst others have more comprehensive objections
against the regime as a whole, and are seeking to curb
its powers and promote the parliament as the sole
legislator and ruler. Between these two points there
is an extremely large gap, and both in turn are
greatly distanced from a third point; namely who is
the authority in the first place. Hence a state's frame of reference is the key for
all differences to be solved. Without respecting the
constitution, Kuwait will become a chaotic state, and
it may lose all it has achieved over the past half
century. Observers are well aware that the majority of
those who took to streets are already part of the
political system, and that they want to maintain and
promote it rather than destroy it. Finally, the Kuwaiti people themselves will be the
most aggrieved if they discover, later on, that all
these political escalations did not lead to the
development of Kuwait, and blame here would fall upon
executives and legislators.
Al Rashed is the general manager of Al -Arabiya
television. He is also the former editor-in-chief of
Asharq Al- Awsat, and the leading Arabic weekly
magazine, Al Majalla. He is also a senior Columnist in
the daily newspapers of Al Madina and Al Bilad. He is
a US post-graduate degree in mass communications. He
has been a guest on many TV current affairs programs.
He is currently based in Dubai. |