The Poisonous Fruits Of Change: Egypt,
Syria, Palestinian Statehood
02 December 2012By Khaled Amayreh
Revolutions in the region have profoundly changed
the balance of internal Palestinian politics, and the
conflict with Israel, writes Khaled Amayreh in
occupied Palestine.
Most Palestinians reacted fairly enthusiastically to
the "Arab Spring", hoping that the removal from power
of dictators in a number of Arab capitals would
eventually auger well for the Palestinian cause.
Others were quite ambivalent. They supported the Arab
revolutions in principle, but voiced certain
consternation that Arab capitals would be preoccupied
with their internal affairs for a prolonged period,
perhaps until stability was restored. This, they
argue, will reflect negatively on the overall
Palestinian cause.
Still some groups, including some segments within
Fatah, the Palestinian left and certain
secularist-minded intellectuals, didn't feel well with
the fact that Islamists were at the fore and more or
less reaped the fruits of the revolutions, albeit by
democratic mechanisms.
Palestinian officials, whether in the Gaza Strip or
West Bank, were quick to develop close relations with
the new leaders in Cairo and Tunis. (Libya remains an
exception probably due to instability in the internal
situation in the northern African country.)
Tunisia voiced near unlimited support for the
Palestinian cause. That was a clear departure from the
policies of the previous regime of Zein Al-Abidine bin
Ali, who sought to court Israel, mainly in order to
obtain a certificate of good conduct from the United
States.
Gaza Prime Minister Ismail Haniyeh visited Tunisia in
January, drawing negative reactions from the Ramallah-based
Palestinian |Authority (PA) which viewed the visit as
sidestepping the Palestine Liberation Organisation
(PLO) as the sole and legitimate representative of the
Palestinian people.
However, the new revolutionary authorities in Tunis
were in no mood to be pressured by the PA leadership,
which had maintained close relations with the previous
regime. Tunis was the headquarters of the exiled PLO
under Yasser Arafat before the 1993 Oslo Accords with
Israel granted the Palestinians limited autonomy in
the Gaza Strip and parts of the West Bank.
Haniyeh was warmly welcomed by Tunisian officials,
including Prime Minister Hamadi Jabali and the head of
Al-Nahda, Rached Al-Ghannouchi.
Predictably, the visit infuriated Israel, which viewed
it as signalling the sad end of many years of
laborious efforts to normalise relations with Tunisia.
EGYPT:
Egypt has always been viewed by most Palestinians
as a kind of "big brother". Even under the defunct
Mubarak regime, the PA had good relations with
president Hosni Mubarak, despite — some would say
because of — the latter's obvious efforts to appease
Israel at every turn, even at the expense of the
Palestinians.
Mubarak's obsequious approach towards Israel
infuriated the Islamists who accused the Mubarak
regime of conniving with the Zionist state against the
government in Gaza. Indeed, the perceived collusion
with Israel on the part of the Mubarak regime was at
no point clearer and more provocative than during the
bloody Israel aggression in 2008-9, which angered most
Palestinians with the exception of Fatah and the
Ramallah regime.
With the removal of president Mubarak from power,
Palestinian Islamists breathed a sigh of relief. More
to the point, the election of President Mohamed Morsi
in June drew almost euphoric reactions, with
Palestinian Islamists deeming it the best news for
Palestinian cause since the arrival of Egyptian
president Gamal Abdel-Nasser.
For his part, Morsi didn't want to give the impression
he was taking sides in the crisis between Fatah and
Hamas. Nonetheless, Palestinian Islamists continued to
view Morsi as "their man in Cairo". The ideological
affinity between the Muslim Brotherhood, from which
Morsi hails, and Hamas, was too important, and too
dominant a factor, to be ignored or downplayed in any
political calculations.
But warm relations between Cairo and Gaza suffered a
brief setback in 2012 when Takfiri terrorists
affiliated with Al-Qaeda murdered 17 Egyptian soldiers
in August near the border crossing with Gaza.
Initially, it was rumoured that Hamas might have been
implicated in the killings, but subsequent
investigations established that these rumours were
false.
As opposed to Cairo's behaviour under Mubarak,
President Morsi adopted a proactive approach in
support of the Palestinians during the recent Israeli
aggression on Gaza in mid-November. In an unmistakable
message to Israel, Morsi dispatched Prime Minister
Hisham Kandil to Gaza in the midst of the bombing in a
gesture of solidarity. Moreover, the Israel ambassador
to Cairo was asked to leave while Egypt's ambassador
was recalled.
Although Egypt didn't back the Palestinians
militarily, it was due to the new geopolitical
realities in the Middle East that Israel didn't go
"too far" in murdering and maiming Gazans, at least in
comparison to the 2008-9 blitz that inflicted
thousands of victims among Palestinian civilians.
It is widely thought that one of the main reasons
behind the recent aggression was an Israeli desire to
convince the Palestinians, especially the Islamist
camp, that Israel would continue to behave
characteristically — that is, gang up on them and
murder their children — irrespective Islamists'
political achievements.
However, the Israeli reluctance and hesitation to
launch a ground assault on Gaza seemed to have sent a
certain message that the Israeli leadership is not
indifferent to the political changes in Cairo.
Indeed, the failure to crush Hamas, despite the
continuity of the blockade on the coastal enclave,
ostensibly enabled the Palestinians to declare
"victory" despite the immense death and destruction
inflicted upon them. This situation, where the mammoth
Jewish Goliath fails to crush the nearly helpless but
determined Palestinian David, who was able to maintain
his survival, should be viewed as a moral and
political victory for Hamas, many observers argue.
SYRIA:
2012 saw a near complete collapse of relations
between Hamas and the Syrian regime. Hamas, which
found itself under immense public pressure to distance
itself from the genocidal Al-Assad regime, closed its
offices in the Syrian capital as its leaders —
including Khaled Meshaal and Moussa Abu Marzouk — left
Syria for good.
Infuriated by "Hamas's ingratitude", the Syrian regime
openly attacked Palestinian refugees, especially in
Yarmouk Refugee Camp in Damascus. Hundreds of
Palestinians were killed and injured as the Syrian air
force bombed the camp.
According to the latest reports from Damascus, as many
as 95 per cent of the estimated 175,000 Palestinian
refugees who made up the total population of the camp
have fled, seeking a safe haven elsewhere.
The Alawite regime in Damascus suspects that Sunni
Palestinian refugees are sympathetic to the mainly
Sunni Syrian fighters struggling to end decades of
Alawite dictatorship. Palestinian officials said they
were quite meticulous in pursuing total neutrality in
the Syrian conflict. These officials say that while
they support the Syrian people's right to liberty,
they are worried about the prospects of the regime and
its brutal operatives, known as shabbiha or thugs,
carrying out more wanton massacres against unprotected
Palestinians.
STATEHOOD PROSPECTS:
According to some political intellectuals, the Arab
Spring may have made the prospects of establishing a
Palestinian state more distant than ever. This
prognosis is based on the assumption that the Arab
Spring has emboldened millions of Arabs and Muslims
around the world to reject Israel as an entity that
doesn't belong to the region.
One Palestinian writer from the Hebron region argued
that the last thing he would expect was the Arab
Spring awarding Israel recognition.
"I think the Arab Spring has made the prospects of
creating an artificial Palestinian state more distant
than ever before. This is not necessarily bad, since
the creation of a deformed Arab state on a small part
of historic Palestine would be a de facto liquidation
of the Palestinian cause," said Mahmoud Nammoura, a
writer and historian from the town of Dura Hebron.
The conspicuous Islamist dimension of the Arab Spring
is also likely to embolden the Arab and Palestinian
masses to reject territorial and other compromises
with Israel, including on such issues as the paramount
right of return for millions of Palestinians refugees.
This is almost certain to give Israel an excuse to
maintain a policy of intransigence against reaching a
historical compromise with the Palestinians.
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