Egypt, The Brotherhood, And The Americans
04 April 2013
By Abdul Rahman Al-Rashed
The Egyptian government and its ruling Freedom and
Justice Party, along with various figures within the
Muslim Brotherhood, criticized a tweet by the US
Embassy in Cairo this week. The tweet in question
focused on Egypt's clampdown on freedom of expression,
referring explicitly to the case of popular satirist
Bassem Youssef.
Statements issued by various Brotherhood members gave
the impression that the US government is seeking to
antagonize Egyptian President Mohamed Mursi, but this
is patently not true. We do not know US president
Obama's view of the Mursi government or whether he is
satisfied or apprehensive with its performance;
however, what is certain is that Obama prefers a
hands-off approach. This is probably in the Egyptian
people's best interests, allowing them to manage their
own affairs. However, the US president's long silence
on what has been happening in Egypt gives the
political opposition the impression that he consents
to the actions of the Muslim Brotherhood.
The Muslim Brotherhood, for their part, are keen to
let the rest of the world know that America is
satisfied with them, particularly as this serves to
send a message to their opponents at home and abroad.
On the other hand, the Brotherhood are also seeking to
portray themselves as victims of a universal
conspiracy, particularly as this is the discourse that
they relied on in the past, garnering them popular
support and embarrassing their opponents.
Historically speaking, the Muslim Brotherhood has
never been an enemy of the US, but rather an ally over
a period of thirty years during the Nasser and Sadat
eras. They were part of the same Arab, Saudi and
Jordanian camp which opposed left-wing organizations
and governments. Clashes took place, and indeed
continue to take place, over Israel.
As for America's surface position, US State Department
spokespersons have always objected to the policies
that the Mubarak regime adopted against the Muslim
Brotherhood in terms of arresting their members and
banning their publications.
I am not claiming that the Muslim Brotherhood is
working with the US, even though this is a popular
conspiracy theory among certain segments of society.
Nor is it true to say that the US government opposes
the Brotherhood and is working to topple its rule. On
the contrary, several American political theorists
argue that it is better for Washington to forge
alliances with Islamist groups within partisan
frameworks, supporting Islamist governments like the
Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and Ennahda in Tunisia.
They claim that this is far more beneficial to the US
than supporting liberal or nationalist groups,
particularly in light of this Islamic extremist tide
that is preoccupying the West.
The Muslim Brotherhood, especially in Egypt, worked
hard to convince the US that they are the best faction
among the Islamists. In fact, several American
political writers have been convinced of this view and
are now praising the Brotherhood while at the same
time criticizing other Islamist factions like the
Salafists.
The problem with the Muslim Brotherhood is that their
actual discourse is not always in line with the
impression that they want to put forward. The manner
in which the Mursi government is running Egypt today
has shocked many, including Muslim intellectuals and
Western observers. The policies adopted by this
government have fascist dimensions. Fascism, whether
under a religious or nationalist façade, is something
that is not acceptable in this day and age, whether in
Egypt or abroad.
It is still too early to describe Mursi's government
as a fascist one, particularly as it is in its early
stages; however, all signs indicate that it is heading
towards totalitarianism.
As for the Americans, their policies are determined by
their own interests. Mursi's government has not done
anything to arouse US concerns. On the contrary, its
positions are more pragmatic and reconciliatory than
those adopted by the Mubarak regime. An example of
this can be seen in the destruction of tunnels and
regulation of border crossings between Egypt and Gaza.
Even though this is the military's job, the Muslim
Brotherhood has not voiced any objections. This
indicates their tacit agreement to these policies,
despite the anger of the Hamas leadership.
The US will be content if Egypt continues to cooperate
on regional issues and distances itself from Iranian
adventures, despite the Cairo–Tehran rapprochement.
Therefore, attempting to accuse the American embassy
of interference in Egyptian domestic affairs for
objecting to the media clampdown is part of the
domestic game of trading incrimination. Mursi's
government wants to accuse its adversaries of
collaboration with foreign powers, and this is a
policy that those whom Mursi is wagging his finger at
are well aware of.
Al Rashed is the
general manager of Al -Arabiya television. He is also
the former editor-in-chief of Asharq Al- Awsat, and
the leading Arabic weekly magazine, Al Majalla. He is
also a senior Columnist in the daily newspapers of Al
Madina and Al Bilad. He is a US post-graduate degree
in mass communications. He has been a guest on many TV
current affairs programs. He is currently based in
Dubai.
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