Intentionally Crossing Red Lines: Assad Not Color Blind, Sees Red Lines, But Crosses Them Nonetheless
21 May 2013By Abdul
Rahman Al-Rashed
"The Syrian president has not altered his stance after
more than 70,000 citizens have been killed, and after
losing control of vast areas in the country. His
position remained unaltered even after his prime
minister survived an assassination attempt. The Syrian
president will not change his policies unless someone
close to him is killed, or he himself is subject to an
assassination attempt."
This is a reasonable conclusion reached by a
politician after many others failed to understand
President Bashar Al-Assad. In my opinion—after having
long observed his policies—his personal and political
abilities pose more danger than the apparatus of his
security forces, despite their size.
I think the most dangerous thing about Bashar Al-Assad
is Bashar Al-Assad himself. On a personal level, he
appears to his guests as an ignorant man with no
capabilities whatsoever—to the point where he cannot
even decide what he is having for breakfast the next
day. His true character, however, can be found in
twelve years of terror. He has survived all of his
adventures and crimes—except, perhaps, the current
crisis. I fear that even if he loses the battle in
Damascus, he may succeed in retaining his presidency,
and thus remain a bloodstained thorn the region.
While reiterating that Assad is Iran's puppet, we must
admit that he is leading the game. He is using Iran,
Hezbollah and Russia to achieve his own aims. And of
course, since they are his partners in crime, they too
seek to fulfill their own aims.
His stubborn personality and managerial techniques are
identifiable through his record of governance. He
repeatedly adopts the same approaches, including how
he deals with "red lines." On the contrary to how
others have perceived the situation, such threats mean
nothing to him, except that the game continues.
His dealings with neighboring Lebanon eight years ago
are a noteworthy example. He must have planned, at an
early stage, to ostracize top Sunni leader Rafiq
Hariri, in order to advance his political domination
of Lebanon. To this end, he attempted to eliminate all
powers that were not aligned with him. Assad began by
attempting to murder Marwan Hamadeh, a Druze leader
considered to be a Hariri sympathizer. The
assassination attempt against Hamadeh was a message to
Hariri, who had left Lebanon, and only returned in
order to cast a vote in parliament upon Damascus'
wishes.
Despite this, Assad killed him. By assassinating
Hariri in broad daylight, Assad crossed what many
considered to be a red line. Following wide
international condemnation, he withdrew his forces
from Lebanon in compliance with a UN Security Council
decision—implying that he sought reconciliation. Each
time he crossed a red line, he would hint that he
wanted to retreat in an attempt to confirm that he is
a head of state that is committed to political and
diplomatic protocol.
In reality, however, he practiced politics in the same
manner as a mafia leader. He repeatedly made promises
to politicians from around the globe, before
physically removing most of his Lebanese rivals,
Christian and Muslim leaders, military men and media
figures. At times, he even got rid of some out of
anger—such as George Hawi, who was killed because he
made a television appearance in which he condemned
Assad.
After every time that he had somebody assassinated, he
implied to others that he was worried, and that he
desires reconciliation. Then, he surprises us by
killing someone else! This method was continued until
he had eliminated more than 20 leaders between 2005
and 2007. He was never punished for any crime. He
recently returned to this process again by killing
Wissam Al-Hassan, a Lebanese security official—perhaps
because of his connection with the Syrian revolution.
In a similar case, Assad arranged for the kidnapping
of Gilad Shalit, an Israeli soldier, in Gaza. He was
likewise involved in Hezbollah's attack on an Israeli
patrol beyond Lebanese borders. This violated red
lines regarding his relations with Israel, and Assad
relied on Iranian backing by announcing their joint
defense treaty. Israel responded by attacking Lebanon
and sabotaging both Lebanon and Gaza.
He claims to have helped with negotiations while at
the same he prevented reaching any solution. He was
furious when the head of Egyptian intelligence, Omar
Suleiman, informed him that a deal had been struck in
which Israel would release 1,000 Palestinian detainees
in return for the release of Shalit, and that Hamas
official Khaled Meshaal had agreed. Assad responded to
Suleiman saying that Meshaal was incapable of making
any such promises, and subsequently sabotaged the
agreement. Shalit's case was not resolved until two
years ago, when the Syrian revolution forced him to
accept Shalit's release in October 2011. Like Iran's
leaders, Assad exploits the Palestinian cause without
taking any interests but his own into consideration.
A third, similar, case has been witnessed at the
beginning the uprising of the Syrian people two years
ago. Publicly, he shook hands with mediators, such as
those from Turkey, promising them what they want to
hear regarding a democratic transition. But in the
meantime, he committed atrocities that were
unparalleled in the region, such as his killing of
Hamza Al-Khatib—a child—in a hideous manner.
The personality of Damascus's dictator is the reason
that he is vilified. He thinks he is capable of
overcoming any crisis. He believes, like all manic
dictators, that miracles will work in his favor. This
is why I fear that he will not hesitate to asphyxiate
a hundred thousand Syrians using chemical weapons any
day now—he has tried to do so in smaller doses over
the past few months. He thinks he has succeeded in
either fooling the world, or obstructing it by hiding
behind the Russians.
Assad is not color blind. He sees red lines, but
crosses them nonetheless. And as long as no one is
prepared to stop him, he will only continue to
surprise the world with something worse.
Al Rashed is the general manager of Al -Arabiya
television. He is also the former editor-in-chief of
Asharq Al- Awsat, and the leading Arabic weekly
magazine, Al Majalla. He is also a senior Columnist in
the daily newspapers of Al Madina and Al Bilad. He is
a US post-graduate degree in mass communications. He
has been a guest on many TV current affairs programs.
He is currently based in Dubai.
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