The Plan To Eliminate The Free Syrian Army: The Task Is Huge, The Situation Dangerous
22 December 2013
By Abdul Rahman Al-Rashed
For the past 12 months, Bashar Al-Assad's regime has
been focused on the idea of defeating the armed
opposition by resorting to military power. It thus
strengthened its capabilities by acquiring more
weapons and using the help of fighters from Iran, Iraq
and Lebanon's Hezbollah. This is why battles have
stalled and the regime has succeeded in remaining in
governance for the entire year.
Despite all the massive support the Syrian regime
received, it failed to defeat the opposition which is
still competing for control of the rest of the
country's cities, and which once again has besieged
the capital and blocked the road to the airport.
Practically, the regime's plan failed and it is no
longer easy for its Iranian and Russian allies to send
more troops and arms as there is no hope on the
horizon.
The fall of Assad is simply a matter of time. The only
question is how long the war will be prolonged and how
much its humanitarian and material costs will
increase.
The new strategy is not to fight the Free Syrian
Army—which has represented the backbone of the Syrian
revolution for more than two years—but sabotage it
from the inside. A competing group dubbed the "Islamic
Front" suddenly emerged, distancing itself from other
extremist Islamic groups like the Islamic State of
Iraq and Syria (ISIS) and the Al-Nusra Front. Then
three FSA leaders, along with their battalions, Ahmad
Issa Al-Sheikh, Zahran Allouch and Saddam Al-Jamal,
announced that they defected from the FSA. Statements
that Saddam al-Gamal defected because he was
dissatisfied with Gulf support were attributed to him
but we could not authenticate them.
These defections, whether they are real or part of a
propaganda campaign, express an attempt to nullify the
only military power which represents the Syrian
revolution. The FSA is also the only power which has
been fighting non-stop for 30 months.
Other parties, whether groups or battalions, do not
represent the revolution because they are either
individual parties, which represent neighborhoods or
areas in revolt, or an extension of terrorist groups
like ISIS and the Al-Nusra Front which are an
extension of Al-Qaeda which operates in Iraq, Yemen
and Somalia and which the Assad regime previously used
in Iraq and Lebanon during the past decade.
This is the new scene in Syria. There are those who
defected from the FSA and there's the Islamic Front,
the establishment of which was announced at a time
when the regime's weakness was clear. The question is:
Can these defectors, new factions of Islamists and Al-Qaeda
terrorists beat the Assad regime together? Absolutely
not. But they are capable of sabotaging the FSA—the
revolution's backbone.
Actions like targeting the city of Maaloula, abducting
nuns and taking over the Bab Al-Hawa border crossing
with Turkey after fighting with the FSA are not part
of a war with the Assad regime. At a time when all the
belligerent parties are preparing to negotiate over
Syria's future at the Geneva II conference, we see
that the FSA has a target on its back with a weapon
pointed in its direction.
The story, in brief, is that Syria is a country
suffering under a fascist security regime. During a
brave moment, the people revolted against this regime
and millions of Syrians, whether dead, injured or
displaced, paid a high price for the sake of change.
Al Rashed is
the general manager of Al -Arabiya television. He is
also the former editor-in-chief of Asharq Al- Awsat,
and the leading Arabic weekly magazine, Al Majalla. He
is also a senior Columnist in the daily newspapers of
Al Madina and Al Bilad. He is a US post-graduate
degree in mass communications. He has been a guest on
many TV current affairs programs. He is currently
based in Dubai.
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EsinIslam.Com
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