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22 December 2013
By Jonathan Cook So let me start by recognising
Mandela's huge achievement in helping to bring down
South African apartheid, and make clear my enormous
respect for the great personal sacrifices he made,
including spending so many years caged up for his part
in the struggle to liberate his people. These are
things impossible to forget or ignore when assessing
someone's life. Nonetheless, it is important to
pause during the widespread acclamation of his legacy,
mostly by people who have never demonstrated a
fraction of his integrity, to consider a lesson that
most observers want to overlook. Perhaps the best way to make my
point is to highlight a mock memo written in 2001 by
Arjan el-Fassed, from Nelson Mandela to the NYT's
columnist Thomas Friedman. It is a wonderful, humane
denunciation of Friedman's hypocrisy and a demand for
justice for the Palestinians that Mandela should have
written. Soon afterwards, the memo spread
online, stripped of el-Fassed's closing byline. Many
people, including a few senior journalists, assumed it
was written by Mandela and published it as such. It
seemed they wanted to believe that Mandela had written
something as morally clear-sighted as this about
another apartheid system, an Israeli one that is at
least the equal of that imposed for decades on black
South Africans. However, the reality is that it was
not written by Mandela, and his staff even went so far
as to threaten legal action against the author. Mandela spent most his adult life
treated as a "terrorist". There was a price to be paid
for his long walk to freedom, and the end of South
Africa's system of racial apartheid. Mandela was
rehabilitated into an "elder statesman" in return for
South Africa being rapidly transformed into an outpost
of neoliberalism, prioritising the kind of economic
apartheid most of us in the west are getting a strong
dose of now. In my view, Mandela suffered a
double tragedy in his post-prison years. First, he was reinvented as a
bloodless icon, one that other leaders could
appropriate to legitimise their own claims, as the
figureheads of the "democratic west", to integrity and
moral superiority. After finally being allowed to join
the western "club", he could be regularly paraded as
proof of the club's democratic credentials and its
ethical sensibility. Second, and even more tragically,
this very status as icon became a trap in which he was
required to act the "responsible" elder statesman,
careful in what he said and which causes he was seen
to espouse. He was forced to become a kind of Princess
Diana, someone we could be allowed to love because he
rarely said anything too threatening to the interests
of the corporate elite who run the planet. It is an indication of what Mandela
was up against that the man who fought so hard and
long against a brutal apartheid regime was so
completely defeated when he took power in South
Africa. That was because he was no longer struggling
against a rogue regime but against the existing order,
a global corporate system of power that he had no hope
of challenging alone. It is for that reason, rather simply
to be contrarian, that I raise these failings. Or
rather, they were not Mandela's failings, but ours.
Because, as I suspect Mandela realised only too well,
one cannot lead a revolution when there are no
followers. For too long we have slumbered
through the theft and pillage of our planet and the
erosion of our democratic rights, preferring to wake
only for the release of the next iPad or smart phone. The very outpouring of grief from
our leaders for Mandela's loss helps to feed our
slumber. Our willingness to suspend our anger this
week, to listen respectfully to those watery-eyed
leaders who forced Mandela to reform from a fighter
into a notable, keeps us in our slumber. Next week
there will be another reason not to struggle for our
rights and our grandchildren's rights to a decent life
and a sustainable planet. There will always be a
reason to worship at the feet of those who have no
real power but are there to distract us from what
truly matters. No one, not even a Mandela, can
change things by him or herself. There are no Messiahs
on their way, but there are many false gods designed
to keep us pacified, divided and weak. Jonathan Cook won the Martha
Gellhorn Special Prize for Journalism. His latest
books are "Israel and the Clash of Civilisations:
Iraq, Iran and the Plan to Remake the Middle East"
(Pluto Press) and "Disappearing Palestine: Israel's
Experiments in Human Despair" (Zed Books). His new
website is www.jonathan-cook.net. A version of this
article first appeared in The National, Abu Dhabi. |