Beit Sahour: Boycott is Historically Palestinian
22 December 2013
By Ramzy Baroud
As the Boycott, Sanctions and Divestment (BDS)
movement continues to grow, and thus Israel's
international isolation, one must remember that the
boycott is an authentically collective Palestinian
strategy that is rooted in history.
The BDS debate is at such an advanced stage that it
has indeed surpassed all expectations. A few years
ago, many of us were attempting to push the boundaries
of the debate, but were faced by so much resistance,
even from groups and movements that were viewed as
progressive. The situation has now changed in such an
evident way amid constant news of western governments,
companies and academic institutions either joining the
boycott or deliberating the possibility of doing so.
However, one ought to be reminded that the boycott is
not an alien strategy invited by outside actors, as it
is itself rooted in nearly a century long fight for
Palestinian rights and collective self-definition,
starting years before the state of Israel was
established.
A most prominent example was the mobilization of 1936,
when in April 1936, all five Palestinian political
parties joined together under the umbrella of the Arab
Higher Committee (AHC), and gave a call for general
strike on May 8, 1936. Employing means of civil
disobedience — as exemplified in its cry of ‘No
Taxation without Representation' — the 1936 uprising
aimed to send a message to the British government that
Palestinians were nationally unified and capable of
acting as an assertive, self-assured society in ways
that could indeed disturb the matrix of British
mandatory rule over the country. The British
administration in Palestine had thus far discounted
the Palestinian demand for independence and paid
little attention to their incessant complaints about
the rising menace of Zionism and its colonial project.
The first six months of the uprising, which lasted
under different manifestations and phases for three
years, was characterized at the outset by a widely
observed general strike that was essentially a boycott
of working within and supporting the structures and
mechanisms of British mandatory rule. The strike
lasted from May until October 1936. Palestine was
simply shut down in response to the call of the
National Committees.
Within a few years, Palestinians managed to challenge
the conventional wisdom of the British, whose narrow
racist grasp on the Arabs as lesser beings with fewer
or no rights — a model to be borrowed and amply
applied by the Zionists, and Israeli official policies
later on — left them unqualified to ponder any other
response to a legitimate uprising but by coercive
measures.
Starting in the 1920s and extending to the late 1940s,
Palestinians and their leadership resorted to various
forms of resistance, beginning with political
mobilisation, and ending with mostly hopeless military
attempts at defending Palestinian towns and villages
as they fell before the Zionist military machine that
was backed or facilitated by colonial Britain. But
within that period, Palestinian society discovered its
own inner strength as a collective by employing
strategies that were predicating on a boycott of
British and Zionist institutions.
That sentiment grew rapidly after the Nakba, the great
Catastrophe in 1947-48, through massive collective
actions. The First Palestinian Uprising of 1987 was a
prime example of the continued rise of that political
consciousness. While the Intifada is remembered for
many events, notwithstanding Israel's broken bones
policies, and the killing and wounding of
stone-throwing youth, some events are equally as
important and profound.
On September 19, 1989, a serene Palestinian town on
the outskirts of Bethlehem became grounds for what
seemed like a one-sided battle. Hundreds of armored
Israeli military vehicles, and thousands of soldiers
stormed the small town of Beit Sahour. Several
military helicopters observed the fear-provoking scene
from above, helping the numerous military men below
coordinate their movements. On the other side, in the
once restful, largely Christian-Palestinian town,
residents remained home. No fighters in military
fatigues awaited the arrival of the tanks at street
corners. No guns. Not a semblance of armed resistance.
But in Beit Sahour, true popular resistance was afoot.
Indeed, Beit Sahour in 1989 was a focal point of
collective action and boycott. It was a war without
guns, like most of the activities carried out by
Palestinians during the Intifada.
Beit Sahour took the strategy of civil disobedience —
refusing to pay taxes, boycotting the Israeli
occupation and all of its institutions — to a whole
new level. It was reminiscent of the legendary
Palestinian strike of 1936. The Israeli mission in
Beit Sahour on that day was aimed at forcing
Palestinians to pay taxes, as hundreds of tax
collectors were part of the military raid. Taxes
collected from Palestinians were incongruously used to
strengthen the military occupation. Not only was there
taxation and no representation, but the money exacted
from occupied Palestinians financed the very military
apparatus that tightened the noose around the neck of
a beleaguered and oppressed population. The Israeli
government response to the seemingly intolerable act
was "the biggest taxation raid in recent history."
The story of Beit Sahour, of course, didn't start on
September 19, but was a culmination of two overlapping
histories. The first one concerns the first Intifada,
and the second falls within a larger context of
well-rooted history of popular resistance that spans
several generations.
Yitzhak Rabin, Israel's defense minister at the time,
wanted to teach the Beit Sahourians a lesson. For this
reason, there was the exaggerated military crackdown
and awesome show of force. Obviously, the message was
meant to reverberate beyond Beit Sahour to reach every
town, refugee camp and village in the Occupied
Territories, which were all engaged in various forms
of boycott and civil disobedience. Indeed, the events
that took place in Beit Sahour were a microcosm of a
much larger political milieu.
We are once more witnessing another chapter of that
same history. This time it is being written with the
help of thousands of solidarity activists around the
world. This time the boycott is global, and unlike
Rabin's tactics against Beit Sahour, Israel will no
longer be able to isolate its enemies using tanks and
helicopters. This time it is the one being isolated
without guns or even a single bullet.
- Ramzy Baroud is an internationally-syndicated
columnist, a media consultant and the editor of
PalestineChronicle.com. His latest book is My Father
Was a Freedom Fighter: Gaza's Untold Story (Pluto
Press, London).
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