Ours Is A Smouldering Dream: A Good 33 Years After Zimbabwe Attained Its Independence
23 December 2013
By Reason Wafawarova
The experience of post-colonial peoples across the
world demonstrates that every single day is a struggle
for emancipation, and by necessity post colonial
people must align themselves only to the principle of
social justice, never to the bright colours of the
heroism of the foregone era of decoloniality, even if
by dint of history we have founded our post-colonial
future on the glorious achievements of the colonial
era liberation movement.
What post-colonial people need are not liberation
heroes wielding the flag of messiahship or heroism.
Rather they must of necessity be armed with an
ideology whose political line is consistent with the
fundamentals of social justice, and this aberrant
phenomenon where anyone wishing to impress in Zanu-PF
colours tries so hard to appear like a war veteran
speaks to high heavens of how post-colonial Zimbabwe
has been arrested by the power of history.
The offbeat bragging about proclaimed heroism
emanating from one's participation in the liberation
struggle must be seen for what it has become — a
desperate frisk for legitimacy by a reprobate people
so smeared with the stench of irresponsible political
behaviour that only the past can endow them with some
semblance of nobility. In fact we have this
dissimulating of the war veteran by parsimonious
characters that one now wonders if the nobility of the
role of liberating one's country is not facing the
threat of being adulterated to outright mockery.
Most of us have scars from the liberation struggle,
even if those scars were just the traumas of hiding in
caves as Ian Smith's aerial bombers terrorised our
villages, as this writer did a number of times in 1977
and 1978, or the losing of those two precious years to
the war in as far as academic life was concerned.
However these scars must be no licence to besiege
post-war youngsters with mundane demands for coerced
respect or submission. That makes no sense.
Zanu-PF is not and cannot be reduced to a museum of
the glories of the colonial era liberation struggle.
It is the governing party of a modern day Zimbabwe,
and as such must seize itself more with the
post-colonial call of duty than this vainglorious
adoration of a past that should belong to us only in
our long gone colonial context — as a historical
heritage, not as the ultimate solution to the
unlocking of today's challenges.
The liberation struggle has three dimensions: the
anti-colonial dimension to which some of our heroes
are stuck with an unbridled pride that they so wish
all of us to appreciate as a matter of national
security and national interest.
There is also the anti-imperialist dimension to which
some of us have committed our souls and lives at a
significant cost, and finally the class struggle
dimension so avoided by most of our post-colonial
governing leadership — not least the acquisitive
revolutionaries among those fronting Zanu-PF
leadership today.
Zimbabwe like any other country mirrors the broader
image of the world — a place made up of two
antagonistic camps: the camp of the exploiters and the
camp of the exploited. We cannot condone or exalt the
black exploiter as a measure of improvement from
yesteryear's white oppressor, and those black wealth
accumulators who believe a black camp of exploiters is
holier than a white one must by the wrath of the
public be put in their place.
In principle every liberation struggle must be a
struggle in the interest of the people, and it should
form part of the camp of the exploited. But what
happens when powerful politicians who have become so
addicted to acquisition hijack a national struggle to
the extent that they even believe it makes sense to
privatise the ownership of the struggle itself? It is
a tragedy.
The ANC in South Africa and Zanu-PF in Zimbabwe are
some of the liberation movements smitten by the
scourge of patronage politics — all to the detriment
of the people's cause. Like HIV/Aids corruption reigns
unabated in Zimbabwe, and one can surely be forgiven
for declaring that under the current Zanu-PF set up
corruption like AIDS has no cure.
Indeed President Mugabe has called for zero tolerance
to corruption, but you do not fight AIDS by simply
declaring zero tolerance to the HIV virus, especially
when the temptation and opportunity for infection
remain tolerated by the public.
Zero tolerance to corruption can only be implemented
through arrests and prosecutions, and this writer
sincerely understands the President's call in this
context.
Corruption is killing the country at will, and that is
why an obvious move like firing the notoriously inept
ZBC management was considered an earthshaking
political miracle. In any normal situation any
Minister that choses to co-exist with the nonsense
that had become the ZBC would be forced to resign, and
the political miracle we must be all marveling about
is how the former Information Minister managed to
survive four and half years presiding over such
unacceptable malfeasance.
The struggle against neocolonialism is not enough to
keep us from bondage, even this self-inflicted bondage
at the hands of our own liberators — or their
sidekicks in the notorious game of protection politics
or patronage.
This column has a moral duty to bring to its
readership the feelings of the poor of post-colonial
Africa — the poor of Zimbabwe. It seeks to explain the
thinking of all those who in childhood or in mere
adult naivety once proclaimed fanatically that the
colonial liberation struggle was in itself a force
with which colonialism, neocolonialism, imperialism,
racism and class exploitation could be confronted, and
that the land revolution and the indigenisation policy
were a rumbling force akin to a volcano that would in
no time sent poverty packing from Zimbabwe's
homesteads, that way enriching every patriotic
Zimbabwean while condemning to the fires of hell the
injustices of an evil world under the grip of
imperialism.
It is now December 2013, a good 33 years after
Zimbabwe attained its independence and that good old
feeling of certainty, enthusiasm, promise and hopeful
satisfaction has been replaced with a feeling of
despair, disappointment, failure and utter
frustration.
We had a seething dream for emancipation and it is
this dream that led so many of our young people to the
battlefields against Ian Smith's diabolical forces.
Zimbabwe we are one and together we will overcome. It
is homeland or death!
Reason Wafawarova is a political writer based in
SYDNEY, Australia.
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