Iraq's New Government And Its Old Faces: The Sheer Magnitude Of The Crisis Facing The Country
10 September 2014
By Tariq Alhomayed
The new government in Baghdad can be said to include
all the old faces involved in Iraq's crisis—and it
doesn't even include the the defense or interior
ministers yet, who are yet to be named.
Looking at the new government—in particular the new
vice presidents and deputy parliamentary speakers—it
is clear that parliament did not vote for a new
government, but rather voted to legitimize the old
faces of Iraq's crises. No one can claim that this new
government is a consensus government; it is one that
reflects the magnitude of the crises and divisions
that have beset Iraq. This suggests that Iraq's
politicians and leaders have not come to grips with
the size of the crisis facing the country and that
they are more interested in reaping the benefits of
the international consensus regarding the importance
of intervening in Iraq to address the threat of the
Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS). What is
happening in Iraq makes it clear these are not
statesmen, politicians, leaders or political parties
in any sense of the word; rather, they are groups that
believe their interests are best served by securing
their own selfish gains. It is clear from the figures
that have been included in the government that
everyone is seeking shelter from the storm.
As for the return of Ibrahim Al-Jaafari, Adel Abdul
Mahdi, Osama Al-Nujaifi and Baqir Jabr Al-Zubeidi,
this in itself is a crisis. It seems that Iraq today
is not seeking to overcome crises, but to recycle
them. The appointments of Iyad Allawi and Nuri Al-Maliki
as vice presidents, and the appointment of Hoshyar
Zebari as deputy prime minister, make it clear that
the new Iraqi government is nothing more than a
government of self-interest, not a technocratic,
national unity or reconciliation government. This is a
government where all the faces of Iraq's previous
crises have returned to haunt us again, on the basis
that everyone is reassured, not on the basis of true
participation to build a state and avoid future
crises. Otherwise, how can we give Maliki the same
post as Iyad Allawi, particularly after everything
Maliki has done in Iraq?
This all confirms the magnitude and the threat of the
political and sectarian crisis currently taking place
in Iraq, particularly as everyone is pursuing their
own partisan interests and no one is looking out for
Iraq as a whole.
This analysis of events in Iraq is backed up by Prime
Minister Haider Al-Abadi's inability to name new
defense and interior ministers, which are among the
most important ministerial portfolios today,
particularly when taking into account the presence of
ISIS and possible US military intervention. So how can
Iraq's politicians say they are committed to
protecting and safeguarding the country from ISIS when
they cannot even come to an agreement regarding who
should head the defense and interior ministries?
Parliament's voting to back this government—which
includes these old faces of Iraqi crises—without the
interior or defense ministers being appointed is like
someone going to the store with the grocery list, but
without any money or credit cards. So how can Iraq
fight ISIS without a minister of interior or a
minister of defense to lead this battle?
So, the new Iraqi government, and the faces and
figures they contain, demonstrate the sheer magnitude
of the crisis facing the country, as well as the
magnitude of the mistrust between Iraq's main
segments. This is something that can only be address
with genuine, not superficial, reconciliation.
Tariq
Alhomayed is the Editor-in-Chief of Asharq Al-Awsat,
the youngest person to be appointed that position. He
holds a BA degree in Media studies from King Abdul
Aziz University in Jeddah, and has also completed his
Introductory courses towards a Master's degree from
George Washington University in Washington D.C. He is
based in London.
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EsinIslam.Com
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