01 February 2016By Abdulrahman Al-Rashed
The latest declaration by Mr. Staffan de Mistura, UN Special Envoy for Syria,
which held Bashar al-Assad's regime responsible for obstructing the
negotiations, does not rise to the level of crimes and serious incidents that
have increased these days in Syria. What de Mistura is announcing is less than
what is expected from the UN, its envoy, and from the great governments, as
well as the Arab governments, which are concerned about what is happening from
intentional sectarian cleansing, explicit demographic change, murdering and
displacement of hundreds of thousands of civilians in densely populated
cities.
His statements will also not ease shock over attempts to keep President Bashar
al-Assad in power until his term ends in the spring of 2018. Keeping Assad in
power invalidates the need for negotiations. He should be sued for war crimes
rather than being rewarded by keeping him in power under the UN flag.
In 2013, the Syrians were told to wait a year until Assad finishes his
presidential term in order to achieve change constitutionally. When the day
arrived, he forged elections to become a president again, and he resumed his
policy of murder and displacement. Now, the negotiation plan allows al-Assad
to stay in power until the spring of 2018.
The Syrian opposition was asked to accept ''upholding the regime'' concept in
order to avoid state collapse and not repeat the American mistake in Iraq. It
said that it was willing to participate in a national unity government with
the regime, but without Assad. Later, it was told to communicate and negotiate
with the Russians to end the crisis. The opposition went to Moscow, yet they
only heard threats; one of the participants there commented: ''What is left in
Syria for us to fear?''
Furthermore, when Washington announced its plan to fight ISIS, it requested
the opposition's help as a condition for political and military support, and
the opposition accepted; nonetheless Washington did not oppose Russian or
Iranian military intervention against moderate rebels. The two alliances' only
concern was how to organize aerial military operations in order to prevent
clashes between them.
All what Syrians gained from military operations against ISIS were Russian
attacks on civilian areas and an increase in Western aid, from blankets and
food supplies for refugees.
This series of deceitful promises and impassivity will worsen the humanitarian
tragedy and facilitate the spread of terrorism, which is growing fast due to
void, chaos and anger.
Politicians are mistaken when they deal with the Syrian crisis as a mere
extension of the intricate, straining relations in the Middle East. The Syrian
crisis stands on its own, and is not part of the Arab-Iranian, Sunni-Shiite or
Russian-American struggles.
Yet, none of that denies the fact that Syria has become an arena for multiple
conflicts, but the roots of its crisis are local. The Assad regime resulted
from the Cold War, and is affiliated with the Soviets. After the collapse of
the Soviet Union, it could neither change nor develop. Its situation weakened
after the regime's founder Hafez al-Assad died in 2000.
His son Bashar took over, but failed to manage the state, and in 2011 he was
confronted with a popular uprising along with the rest of the
military-security systems in the region, such as Egypt's Mubarak and Zine El
Abidine Ben Ali in Tunisia, Gaddafi in Libya, and Saleh in Yemen.
The Arab-Iranian and sectarian struggles are direct repercussions of the
regime's collapse, and not the reason for revolting against it. Therefore, it
would be impossible to leave Assad ruling unless Mubarak and Gaddafi rule
again in Egypt and Libya.
In order to keep Assad in power, Russia and Iran have killed more than 300,000
people, displaced 12 million and destroyed dozens of cities. Additionally,
they are now trying to establish a state whose ethnic components suit the
capabilities of Assad, who belongs to a sect that only constitutes 10 percent
of the population. What madness is that? How can the region's governments
remain silent in face of this disgrace and perilous tragedy?
Al Rashed is the general manager of Al -Arabiya television. He is also the
former editor-in-chief of Asharq Al- Awsat, and the leading Arabic weekly
magazine, Al Majalla. He is also a senior Columnist in the daily newspapers
of Al Madina and Al Bilad. He is a US post-graduate degree in mass
communications. He has been a guest on many TV current affairs programs. He
is currently based in Dubai.
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