Next Onslaught in Gaza: Why the Status Quo is a Precursor for War
02 March 2016By Ramzy Baroud
It is not true that only three wars have taken place since Hamas won
parliamentary elections in 2006 in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. Other
wars that were deemed insignificant or ‘skirmishes' also took place. Operation
Returning Echo in March 2012, for example, killed and wounded over 100 people.
But since the death toll, relative to the other major onslaughts seemed
trivial, it was not cited as ‘war', per se.
According to this logic, so-called operations Cast Lead (2008-9), Pillar of
Defense (2012) and the deadliest of them all, Protective Edge (2014) were
serious enough to be included in any relevant discussion, especially when the
prospective new Israeli war on Gaza is considered.
It is important to denote that most of the media, mainstream or other, adheres
to Israel's designations of the war, not those of Palestinians. For example,
Gazans refer to their last confrontation with Israel as the ‘Al-Furqan
Battle', a term we almost never hear repeated with reference to the war.
Observing the Israeli war discourse as the central factor in understanding the
war against the Resistance surpasses that of language into other areas. The
suffering in Gaza has never ceased, not since the last war, the previous one
or the one before that. But only when Israel begins to mull over war as a real
option, do many of us return to Gaza to discuss the various violent
possibilities that lie ahead.
The problem of relegating Gaza until Israeli bombs begin to fall is part and
parcel of Israeli collective thinking – government and society, alike. Gideon
Levy, one of the very few sympathetic Israeli journalists in mainstream
newspapers wrote about this in a recent article in Haaretz.
''The addiction to fear and the eternal wallowing in terror in Israel suddenly
reminded one of the existence of the neighboring ghetto,'' he wrote in
reference to Gaza and sounding of Israeli war drums. ''Only thus are we here
reminded of Gaza. When it shoots, or at least digs … (only then) we recall
In fact, Israel's exceedingly violent past in Gaza does not hinge on Hamas'
relative control of the terribly poor and besieged place, nor is it, as per
conventional wisdom, also related toPalestinian factionalism. Certainly, Hamas'
strength there is hardly an incentive for Israel to leave Gaza alone, and
Palestinians' pitiful factionalism rarely help the situation. However,
Israel's problem is with the very idea that there is a single Palestinian
entity that dares challenge Israel's dominance, and dares to resist.
Moreover, the argument that armed resistance, in particular, infuriates Israel
the most is also incorrect. Violent resistance may speed up Israel's
retaliation and the intensity of its violence, but as we are currently
witnessing in the West Bank, no form of resistance has ever been permissible,
not now, not since the Palestinian Authority was essentially contracted to
control the Palestinian population, and certainly not since the start of the
Israeli military occupation in 1967.
Israel wants to have complete monopoly over violence, and that is the bottom
line. A quick scan of Israel's history against Palestinian Resistance in all
of its forms is indicative that the Israel vs. Hamas narrative has always be
reductionist, due partly to it being politically convenient for Israel, but
also useful in the Palestinians' own infighting.
Fatah, which was Palestine's largest political party until Hamas won 76 out of
the legislative council's 132 seats in the early 2006 elections, has played a
major rule in constructing that misleading narrative, one that sees the past
wars and the current conflict as an exclusive fight between Hamas, as
political rival, and Israel.
When seven of Hamas fighters were recently killed after a tunnel collapsed –
which was destroyed during the 2014 war by Israel and was being rebuilt –
Fatah issued a statementthat appeared on Facebook. The statement did not
declare solidarity with the various resistance movements which have operated
under horrendously painful circumstances and unremitting siege for years, but
chastised the ‘war merchants' – in reference to Hamas – who, according to
Fatah, ''know nothing but burying their young people in ashes.''
But what other options does the Resistance in Gaza actually have?
The unity government which was agreed on by both Fatah and Hamas in the Beach
Refugee Camp agreement in the summer of 2014 yielded no practical outcomes,
leaving Gaza with no functioning government, and a worsening siege. That
reality, for now, seals the fate of a political solution involving a unified
Palestinian leadership.
Submitting to Israel is the worst possible option. If the Resistance is Gaza
was to lay down its arms, Israel would attempt to recreate the post-1982
Lebanon war scenario, when they pacified their enemies using extreme violence
and then entrusted their collaborating allies to rearrange the subsequent
political landscape. While some Palestinians could readily offer to fill that
disreputable role, the Gaza society is likely to shun them entirely.
A third scenario in which Gaza is both free and the Palestinian people's
political wishes are respected is also unlikely to materialize soon,
considering the fact that Israel has no reason to submit to this option, at
least for now.
This leaves the war option as the only real, tragic possibility. Israeli
analyst, Amost Harel highlighted in his article, ''Hamas' Desire to Increase
West Bank Attacks Could Trigger New Gaza War'' the reasoning behind this logic.
''To date, Israel and Palestinian Authority security forces have succeeded in
scuttling most of Hamas' schemes,'' he wrote, referring to his allegations that
Hamas is attempting to co-opt the ongoing uprising in the West Bank.
In one of several scenarios he offered, ''The first is that a successful Hamas
attack in the West Bank will spur an Israeli response against the group in
Gaza, which will lead the parties into a confrontation.''
In most of Israeli media analyses, there is almost total disregard for
Palestinian motives, aside from some random inclination to commit acts of
‘terror.' Of course, reality is rarely close to Israel's self-centered version
of events, as rightly pointed out by Israeli writer Gideon Levy.
After his most recent visit to Gaza, Robert Piper, UN envoy and humanitarian
coordinator for the Occupied Territories, left the Strip with a grim
assessment: only 859 of homes destroyed in the last war have been rebuilt. He
blamed the blockade for Gaza's suffering, but also the lack of communication
between the Ramallah-based government and Hamas movement in Gaza.
''There's no changes to the underlying fragility of Gaza,'' he told AFP, and the
situation ''remains on a frankly disastrous trajectory of de-development and
radicalization, as far as I can tell.''
Of the blockade, he said, ''It is a blockade that prevents students from
getting to universities to further their studies in other places. It's a
blockade that prevents sick people from getting the health care that they
need.''
Under these circumstance, it is difficult to imagine that another war is not
looming. Israel'sstrategic, political and military tactics, as it stands
today, will not allow Gaza to live with a minimal degree of dignity. On the
other hand, the history of Gaza's resistance makes it impossible to imagine a
scenario in which the Strip raises a white flag and awaits its allotted
punishment.
– Dr. Ramzy Baroud has been writing about the Middle East for over 20
years. He is an internationally-syndicated columnist, a media consultant, an
author of several books and the founder of PalestineChronicle.com. His books
include ‘Searching Jenin', ‘The Second Palestinian Intifada' and his latest
‘My Father Was a Freedom Fighter: Gaza's Untold Story'. His website is:
www.ramzybaroud.net.
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