Money talks as Trump does U-turn on Israel
06 August 2016By Jonathan Cook in
Nazareth
The grubby underside of US electoral politics is on show once again as the
Democratic and Republican candidates prepare to fight it out for the
presidency. And it doesn't get seamier than the battle to prove how loyal each
candidate is to Israel.
New depths are likely to be plumbed this week at the Republican convention in
Cleveland, as Donald Trump is crowned the party's nominee. His platform breaks
with decades of United States policy to effectively deny the Palestinians any
hope of statehood.
The question now is whether the Democratic candidate, Hillary Clinton, who
positions herself as Israel's greatest ally, will try to outbid Trump in
cravenly submitting to the Israeli right.
It all started so differently. Through much of the primary season, Benjamin
Netanyahu's government had reason to be worried about Israel's ''special
relationship'' with the next occupant of the White House.
Early on, Trump promised to be ''neutral'' and expressed doubts about whether
it made sense to hand Israel billions of dollars annually in military aid. He
backed a two-state solution and refused to recognise Jerusalem as Israel's
capital.
On the Democrat side, Clinton was challenged by outsider Bernie Sanders, who
urged ''even-handedness'' towards Israel and the Palestinians. He too objected
to the huge sums of aid the US bestows on Israel.
Sanders exploited his massive support among Democrats to force Clinton to
include well-known supporters of Palestinian rights on the committee that
drafts the party's platform.
But any hopes of an imminent change in US policy in the Middle East have been
dashed.
Last week, as the draft Republic platform was leaked, Trump proudly tweeted
that it was the ''most pro-Israel of all time!'' Avoiding any mention of a
two-state solution, it states: ''Support for Israel is an expression of
Americanism. … We reject the false notion that Israel is an occupier.''
The capitulation was so complete that even the Anti-Defamation League, a New
York-based apologist group for Israel, called the platform ''disappointing''
and urged the Republican convention to ''reconsider''. After all, even
Netanyahu pays lip service to the need for a Palestinian state.
But Trump is not signalling caution. His new advisers on Israel, David
Friedman and Jason Greenblatt, are fervent supporters of the settlements and
annexation of Palestinian territory.
Trump's running mate, announced at the weekend, is Indiana governor Mike
Pence, an evangelical Christian and a stalwart of pro-Israel causes.
So why the dramatic turnaround?
Candidates for high office in the US need money – lots of it. Until now Trump
has been chiefly relying on his own wealth. He has raised less than $70
million, a fifth of Clinton's war-chest.
The Republican party's most significant donor is Sheldon Adelson, a casino
magnate and close friend of Netanyahu. He has hinted that he will contribute
more than $100 million to the Trump campaign if he likes what he sees.
Should Netanyahu offer implicit endorsement, as he did for Mitt Romney in the
2012 race, Christian Zionist preachers such as John Hagee will rally ten of
millions of followers to Trump's side too – and fill his coffers.
Similar indications that money is influencing policy are evident in the
Democratic party.
Sanders funded his campaign through small donations, giving him the freedom to
follow his conscience. Clinton, by contrast, has relied on mega-donors,
including some, such as Haim Saban, who regard Israel as a key election issue.
That may explain why, despite the many concessions made to Sanders on the
Democratic platform, Clinton's team refused to budge on Israel issues. As a
result, the draft platform fails to call for an end to the occupation or even
mention the settlements.
According to The New York Times, Clinton's advisers are vetting James
Stavridis as a potential running mate. A former Nato commander, he is close to
the Israeli defence establishment and known for his hawkish pro-Israel
positions.
Clinton, meanwhile, has promised to use all her might to fight the growing
boycott movement, which seeks to isolate Israel over its decades-long
occupation of Palestinian territory.
The two candidates' fierce commitment to Israel appears to fly in the face of
wider public sentiment, especially among Democrats.
A recent Pew poll found 57 per cent of young, more liberal Democrats
sympathised with the Palestinians rather than Israel. Support for hawkish
Israeli positions is weakening among American Jews too, a key Democratic
constituency. About 61 per cent believe Israel can live peacefully next to an
independent Palestinian state.
The toxic influence of money in the US presidential elections can be felt in
many areas of policy, both domestic and foreign.
But the divorce between the candidates' fervour on Israel and the growing
doubts of many of their supporters is particularly stark.
It should be dawning on US politicians that a real debate about the nation's
relationship with Israel cannot be deferred much longer.
Jonathan Cook won the Martha Gellhorn Special Prize for Journalism. His
latest books are ''Israel and the Clash of Civilisations: Iraq, Iran and the
Plan to Remake the Middle East'' (Pluto Press) and ''Disappearing Palestine:
Israel's Experiments in Human Despair'' (Zed Books). His website is
www.jonathan-cook.net.
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