Iran's Project – Becoming a Big Naval Police Force
28 October 2016
By Abdulrahman Al-Rashed
After having fought multiple wars in Iraq and Syria directly, and ones in
Yemen and Lebanon indirectly, it seems that the Iranian leadership has
discovered the magic of military influence and its importance in imposing its
foreign policy, both regionally and internationally. This is what has been
indicated by recent statements made by Iranian officials. The most recent of
these statements was made by the Chief of Staff for the Armed Forces of Iran
Mohammad Bagheri.
He said: ''We have relinquished our nuclear power and we are making up for
this by building a naval power that will give us greater value. We will have a
military fleet in the Sea of Oman and another in the Indian Ocean, and we will
build naval bases on coasts or islands in Yemen and Syria. We will also
develop our military intelligence capabilities through drones in our naval
extensions''.
Although I do not believe that Iran possesses the military power for such a
costly expansion, it is clear that Iran has taken two strategic decisions; to
increase its foreign military capability and revive the Shah's old dream to be
the police force of the Gulf. Currently, Iran wants to become the police force
of the area from the Indian Ocean to the Mediterranean Sea. This orientation
will create more tension in our already troubled region and lead to parties
resorting to using military power as a political tool.
The Iranian Chief of Staff's statement does not correlate with his
justification that the objective of the military naval project is to combat
piracy in these seas because Iran's maritime trade is very limited compared to
other countries such as India, the Gulf, Egypt and other countries that use
these naval corridors outside Gulf waters.
In addition to this, piracy does not exist in the Sea of Oman and in the
Mediterranean. Whether this statement is intended to intimidate or reflect the
new strategy that Iran is pursuing as an alternative to the nuclear project
after it bowed to western pressure and abandoned it in exchange for the
lifting of sanctions, the new Iranian way of thinking which followed the
signing of the nuclear deal revolves around military superiority and not the
opening up of the economy like the American administration thought. This is
what the administration marketed when it listed the benefits of the nuclear
deal.
Talk of an Iranian military base in the Mediterranean is an exaggeration and I
rule out that European powers will allow such a presence in their waters,
particularly the presence of a state whose activities they are suspicious of.
I would also imagine that Israel would not allow this, and it recently sent
back an Iranian ship loaded with Iranian weapons that tried to pass through
Bab Al-Mandab. The Israeli navy has also pursued Iranian ships heading to
Sudan in the past and bombed one of them.
In the case that Iran succeeded in re-establishing Bashar Al-Assad's regime in
Syria, it will no longer need to build military naval bases there because it
would then be in control of the regime in Damascus as part of an alliance
which will not be easy for Assad to get rid of.
Although Iran gave two reasons for its involvement in the war in Syria; to
protect Shiite shrines and repay the Assad regime for standing by it in the
war against Iraq in the eighties, these two reasons are not convincing in the
calculations of political relations. Tehran considers controlling Syria a
necessity to control Iraq so that it can secure its presence, influence and
interests in this strategic Arab country.
Iran's wide – ranging military operations in Iraq and Syria confirm that
fighting wars has become Iran's new policy and that strengthening its military
capabilities is a key pillar of its foreign policy. Since breaking free from
the western siege, becoming capable of taking part in international trade and
using the dollar, Iran has been trying to become a dominating power by
expanding geographically, on land and by sea. This may mean that we are facing
a decade of a regional arms race and more military adventures in the region.
Al Rashed is the general manager of Al -Arabiya television. He is also the
former editor-in-chief of Asharq Al- Awsat, and the leading Arabic weekly
magazine, Al Majalla. He is also a senior Columnist in the daily newspapers of
Al Madina and Al Bilad. He is a US post-graduate degree in mass
communications. He has been a guest on many TV current affairs programs. He is
currently based in Dubai.
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EsinIslam.Com
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