28 November 2016
By Dr. Abdul Ruff Colachal
Conflicts in West Asia resembling a new World War launched by Bushdom fascist
regime exclusively on Islam to ensure energy security by enacting Sept-11 hoax
and invading an Islamizing Afghanistan in extension of the illegal Iraqi war,
are now focused on Syria where many foreign powers, led by USA one the one
hand and Russia on the other, are targeting Muslims in Sunni nation ruled by a
Shiite Assad who apparently wants to rule the nation of Syrians forever.
Syria has been under siege for years since the onset of Arab Spring and both
the government and the Opposition forces keep claiming victories off and on
but the war continues, killing and mutilating Syrians.
Bush Junior has made the US government a blood thirsty war machine fully
engaged invasions, destabilization, destructions, genocides. US generals have
demonstrated an impressive aptitude for moving pieces around on a dauntingly
complex military chessboard in Islamic world. Brigades, battle groups, and
squadrons shuttle in and out of various war zones, responding to the needs of
the moment. The lesser theaters of conflict, largely overlooked by the
American public, that in recent years have engaged the attention of US forces,
a list that would include conflicts in Libya, Somalia, Syria, and Yemen. This
engagement in wars have made Islamic world insecure. Saudi Arabia and Iran
have been spared so far essentially for strategic reasons. The two principal
conflicts of the post-9/11 era: the Afghanistan War, now in its 16th year, and
the Iraq War, launched in 2003 and (after a brief hiatus) once more grinding
on. Wars have helped USA control entire world.
Syria seems to have slipped out of US control and fallen into Russian orbit.
Five years since the conflict began, more than 250,000 Syrians have been
killed in the fighting, and almost 11 million Syrians half the country's
prewar population have been displaced from their homes. In 2011, what became
known as the ''Arab Spring'' revolts toppled Tunisian President Zine El
Abidine Ben Ali and Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak. That March, peaceful
protests erupted in Syria as well, after 15 boys were detained and tortured
for having written graffiti in support of the Arab Spring.
The Syrian government, led by President Bashar al-Assad, determined to stay in
power at any cost, responded to the protests by killing hundreds of
demonstrators and imprisoning many more. In July 2011, defectors from the
military announced the formation of the Free Syrian Army, a rebel group aiming
to overthrow the government, and Syria began to slide into civil war.
Initially, lack of freedoms and economic woes fuelled resentment of the Syrian
government, and public anger was inflamed by the harsh crackdown on
protesters. Successful uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt energized and gave hope
to Syrian pro-democracy activists. Many Islamist movements were also strongly
opposed to the Assad's' rule.
Assad control of Aleppo city
parts
Reports suggest that Syrian government forces have captured a key part of
eastern Aleppo, splitting rebel-held territory. Both state TV and the
monitoring group, the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, said that the
district of Sakhour had fallen to the Syrian army.
The Syrian army and their allies launched a major offensive to retake control
of Aleppo in September. Thousands of civilians have fled rebel-held eastern
Aleppo districts after a weekend of heavy fighting. Hundreds of families have
also been displaced within the besieged area. Russia says its air force is
active in other parts of the country, but not operating over Aleppo. While it
is very difficult to find out exactly what is happening in besieged eastern
Aleppo, several key districts appear to have fallen to the government, leaving
very little, if any, of the northern part of the rebel-held enclave still
under the rebels' control.
There were 250,000 people in need of assistance in eastern Aleppo, 100,000 of
them children. The situation on the ground in eastern Aleppo is almost beyond
the imagination of those of us who are not there. State TV quoted a Syrian
military source as saying that government forces ''are continuing their
advance in eastern neighborhoods of Aleppo''. The US led opposition had lost
more than third of the area it controlled in Aleppo city during the recent
advance. The east of Aleppo has been held by rebel factions opposed to
President Bashar al-Assad for the past four years. In the past year, Syrian
troops have broken the deadlock with the help of Iranian-backed militias and
Russian air strikes. Things have turned out very differently.
Meanwhile, Russia has rejected US calls to halt bombing eastern Aleppo.
Western observers have been generally impressed by Russia's deployment in
Syria, mainly reflecting a sense of disbelief that they proved to be capable
of planning, executing and sustaining such a complex operation and dealing
with the logistical issues involved in supplying forces at great distance from
Russia.
As reports coming in, the Assad government currently controls the capital,
Damascus, parts of southern Syria, portions of Aleppo and Deir Az Zor, much of
the area near the Syrian-Lebanese border, and the northwestern coastal region.
Rebel groups, ISIL, and Kurdish forces control the rest of the country.
Rebel groups continue to jockey against one another for power, and frequently
fight each other. The Free Syrian Army has weakened as the war has progressed,
while explicitly Islamist groups, such as the al-Nusra Front, which has
pledged allegiance to al-Qaeda, and the Saudi-backed Islamic Front have gained
in strength.
Syria under
threat
In March 1971, Hafez
al-Assad, an Alawite, declared himself President, a position that he held
until his death in 2000. Since 1970, the secular Syrian Regional Branch has
remained the dominant political authority in what had been a one-party state
until the first multi-party election to the People's Council of Syria was held
in 2012.
On 31 January 1973,
Assad implemented the new Constitution which led to a national crisis. Unlike
previous constitutions, this one did not require that the President of Syria
must be a Muslim, leading to fierce demonstrations in Hama, Homs and Aleppo
organized by the Muslim Brotherhood and the ulema. They labeled Assad as the
''enemy of Allah'' and called for a jihad against his rule Robert D. Kaplan
has compared Assad's coming to power to ''an untouchable becoming maharajah in
India or a Jew becoming tsar in Russiaan unprecedented development, shocking
the Sunni majority population which had monopolized power for so many
centuries.'' The regime survived a series of armed revolts by Sunni Islamists,
mainly members of the Muslim Brotherhood, from 1976 until 1982.
In 2000, Bashar al-Assad took over as President of Syria upon Hafez al-Assad's
death. He initially inspired hopes for democratic reforms. A Damascus Spring
of social and political debate took place between July 2000 and August 2001The
Damascus Spring largely ended in August 2001 with the arrest and imprisonment
of ten leading activists who had called for democratic elections and a
campaign of civil disobedience In the opinion of his critics, Bashar Assad had
failed to deliver on promised reforms.
The Assad government opposed the US invasion and occupation of Iraq. The Bush
administration then began to destabilize the regime by increasing sectarian
tensions, showcasing and publicizing Syrian repression of Kurdish and Sunni
groups, and financing political dissidents. Assad also opposed the
Qatar-Turkey pipeline in 2009. A classified 2013 report by a joint U.S. army
and intelligence group concluded that the overthrow of Assad would have
drastic consequences, as the opposition supported by the Obama regime was
dominated by jihadist elements.
Syria is now a major war theater where foreign forces are busy killing Muslims
and destroying the nation. .
In the history of Syria a Sunni nation- many events contributed to its
gradual weakening. In the recent past, a severe drought plagued Syria from
2007-10, spurring as many as 1.5 million people to migrate from the
countryside into cities, which exacerbated poverty and social unrest. Although
the initial protests were mostly non-sectarian, armed conflict led to the
emergence of starker sectarian divisions.
In 1982, Bashar al-Assad's father, Hafez, a Shiite, ordered a military
crackdown on the Sunni led Muslim Brotherhood in Hama, which killed between
10,000-40,000 people and flattened much of the city.
Recently, even global warming has been claimed to have played a role in
sparking the 2011 uprising.
Although most Syrians are Sunni Muslims, Syria's security establishment has
long been dominated by members of the Alawite sect, of which Assad is a
member.
Having left with no
alternatives, no polls Sunnis and minority religious groups tend to support
the Assad government, while the overwhelming majority of opposition fighters
are Sunni Muslims.
The sectarian split is reflected among regional actors' stances as well. The
governments of majority-Shia Iran and Iraq support Assad, as does
Lebanon-based Hezbollah; while Sunni-majority states including Turkey, Qatar,
Saudi Arabia and others staunchly support the rebels.
Foreign backing and open intervention have played a large role in Syria's
civil war. An international coalition led by the USA has bombed targets of the
Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL, also known as IS and ISIS and
there could be more to be invented by CIA and Pentagon) group since 2014.
In 2013, ISIL emerged in northern and eastern Syria after overrunning large
portions of Iraq. Meanwhile, Kurdish groups in northern Syria are seeking
self-rule in areas under their control. This has alarmed Turkey's government,
which fears its large native Kurdish population may grow more restive and
demand greater autonomy as a result. In response to attacks within Turkey, the
Turkish government has bombed Kurdish targets in Syria. Kurdish groups have
also clashed with al-Nusra Front and ISIL.
It appears USA and Russia had informally decided to take opposite sides in
Syrian War Theater. In September 2015, Russia launched a bombing campaign
against what it referred to as ''terrorist groups'' in Syria, which included
ISIL as well as rebel groups backed by Western states. In October 2015, the
USA scrapped its controversial program to train Syrian rebels, after it was
revealed that it had spent $500m but only trained 60 fighters.
Russia has also deployed military advisers to shore up Assad's defences.
Several Arab states, along with Turkey, have provided weapons and materiel to
rebel groups in Syria. Many of those fighting come from outside of Syria.
Lebanese members of Hezbollah are fighting on the side of Assad, as are
Iranian and Afghan fighter.
Although the USA has stated its opposition to the Assad government, it has
hesitated to involve itself deeply in the conflict, even after the Assad
government allegedly used chemical weapons in 2013, which US President Barack
Obama had previously referred to as a ''red line'' that would prompt
intervention.
Fluid situation and enter Russia
Syrian war is a multi-sided armed conflict in Syria in which international
interventions have taken place. The war grew out of the unrest of the 2011
Arab Spring and escalated to armed conflict after President Bashar al-Assad's
government violently repressed protests calling for his removal. The war is
being fought by several factions: the Syrian Government and its various
supporters, a loose alliance of Sunni Arab rebel groups (including the Free
Syrian Army), the Syrian Democratic Forces, Salafi jihadist groups (including
al-Nusra Front) who often co-operate with the Sunni rebels, and the ISIL. The
factions receive substantial support from foreign actors, leading many to
label the conflict a proxy war waged by both regional and global powers.
As Assad government was facing rout at the crushing attacks of US led
Opposition forces, Russia came to the rescue of Assad and his rule. Russian
forces, enjoying a free hand in Syria, have been operating in support of the
government of President Bashar al-Assad in Syria for a year. Their impact has
been significant. When they arrived, there were fears that government forces
were close to collapse. This position has largely been reversed. It is the
Syrian government while still fragile that is now on the offensive with a
brutal bid to recapture the whole of the city of Aleppo. Initially seen by US
analysts through the prism of recent Western military involvements in the
region, many pundits were quick to dismiss the Russian effort as likely to
fail. The Russian military, it was said, was not up to expeditionary warfare.
Russia would quickly find itself bogged down in a Syrian quagmire.
Russia carries out its first air strikes on 30 September 2015 and Syria says
it requested intervention to help in ''the fight against terrorism''. On 10
November 2015 the Syrian army, aided by Russian strikes, lifts two-year-long
siege by IS on the key Kuwairis airbase in eastern Aleppo province, marking
its first victory against IS since the Russian intervention.
Obviously, on instruction from Washington, Turkey shot down on 24 November a
Russian Su-24 fighter jet near the Turkish-Syrian border; Benefiting from
Russian support, the Syrian army makes territorial gains in various parts of
Syria December 2015 January 2016 and declares Latakia province rebel-free.
Syrian army 24 March 2016 backed by Russian strikes inflicts a major symbolic
and strategic defeat on IS, recapturing the historic city of Palmyra. In
September 2016, Russia acknowledges providing air cover to the Syrian troops
in their bid to seize control of Aleppo city.
Russian goal
Russia, of course, has had a strategic
relationship with Syria going back to Soviet days. It has long maintained a
small naval base on the Syrian coast and has close ties with the Syrian
military, being its principal arms supplier. Syria had become Moscow's last
toe-hold of influence in the region. It was the fear of this relationship
unraveling that prompted President Vladimir Putin to act.
While it is Russian air power that has been the main focus of news reporting
on the Russian intervention, it is as much the intensified training and
re-equipping of the Syrian army that has also been a crucial factor in helping
to turn around President Assad's fortunes.
Russian and Syrian military goals are not identical. While the Syrian
government insists it still wants to recapture all the territory it has lost,
Moscow's approach is very different. Unlike Syria and Iran, Russia has no
interest in fighting for territory. In defending Assad, Moscow had sought to
steadily destroy the moderate Syrian opposition on the battlefield, leaving
only jihadist forces in play, and lock the USA into a political framework of
negotiations that would serve beyond its current Democratic shelf-life. In
both respects, Russia has been successful. Ultimately, the Russian goal is to
lock in gains for Syria via ceasefires, while slow-rolling the negotiations to
the point that true opposition to the Syrian regime expires on the
battlefield, leaving no viable alternatives for the West in this conflict by
2017. Russia's intervention, however, does not seek to minimize losses.
The Russian air force has deployed some of its most modern aircraft to Syria,
though the same cannot be said for the munitions they employ. The Russian air
campaign overall has relied upon the use of ''dumb bombs'' of various types, a
major distinction with modern Western air campaigns, where almost all of the
munitions used are precision-guided. Russian Special Forces and artillery have
been engaged on the ground. Long-range missile strikes have been conducted
from Russian warships and submarines. Even Russia's only aircraft carrier is
now on its way to the region.
The Syria operation has also provided an invaluable opportunity for Russian
generals to try out their forces in operational conditions, as well as
offering something of a ''shop-window'' for some of Russia's latest military
technology. Russian military sees this as an opportunity to test new or modern
systems; experiment with network-centric warfare capability; and to present
evidence of the success of military modernisation.'' This helps Moscow to
showcase its new combat systems for West Asia and elsewhere. .
Syria has become a kind of sampler of Russian military capabilities. Israel
could be disappointed.
Russia's air campaign: Key
moments
- 30 September 2015 Russia carries out its first
air strikes. Syria says it requested intervention to help in ''the fight
against terrorism''.
- 10 November 2015 The Syrian army, aided by
Russian strikes, lifts two-year-long siege by IS on the key Kuwairis airbase
in eastern Aleppo province, marking its first victory against IS since the
Russian intervention.
- 24 November Turkey shoots down a Russian Su-24
fighter jet near the Turkish-Syrian border
- December
2015 January 2016 Benefiting from Russian support, the Syrian army makes
territorial gains in various parts of Syria and declares Latakia province
rebel-free
-
24 March 2016 Syrian
army backed by Russian strikes inflicts a major symbolic and strategic defeat
on IS, recapturing the historic city of Palmyra
- September
2016 Russia acknowledges providing air cover to the Syrian troops in their
bid to seize control of Aleppo city.
Diplomatic advantage
The diplomatic consequences of the Russian intervention have also been a plus
for Moscow. Its active military role in the WA region has reshaped its
relationships with Israel, Iran and Turkey. Indeed, Israel and Russia have
developed a significant level of ''understanding''. Israeli air operations
against the Lebanese Shia militant group Hezbollah, for example, have not been
hindered by Russian control of significant parts of Syrian air space.
Attacks on Arab Muslims by any nation are good enough for Tel Aviv seeking to
weaken entire Arab world. Russian attacks in Syria are welcome in Israel
Relations between Moscow and Tehran (Syria's only other significant ally) have
developed, and even the enmity between Moscow and Ankara has been diminished,
with both countries realising they have to accommodate at least to an extent
the other's regional aims. Arabs are slowly shedding the Americophobia.
It is US-Russia relations that have been most profoundly influenced by
Moscow's intervention in Syria. At one level, Syria can be added to Ukraine as
a dossier where the USA and Russia are failing to find common ground. But
Russia's military role ensured that the Assad leadership was not going to be
removed from the chessboard. This made Washington revise its own approach and
pursue what has largely proved an illusory effort, to develop some kind of
partnership with Russia.
The indiscriminate nature of the Russian and Syrian air campaigns
exemplified by the current struggle over Aleppo has certainly not won Russia
many friends in the West, however. Russia has been accused by several
governments of barbarity and potentially committing war crimes. According to
the UK-based monitoring group the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, over
4,000 civilians have been killed in one year of Russian strikes. Russian
casualties in Syria are difficult to estimate. Helicopters have certainly been
shot down, and several members of Russia's Special Forces are known to have
been killed in combat.
Western public opinion seems largely unmoved by the struggle; perhaps to an
extent a reflection of war weariness in the wake of the campaigns in
Afghanistan and Iraq. And there has been a good level of confusion. Many in
the West, sceptical about their own governments' records, seem unwilling to
get excited about what Russia is up to.
The importance of information operations was most clearly illustrated by the
extraordinary concert mounted in the ruins of Palmyra after its recapture from
so-called Islamic State (IS) by Syrian forces.
The Kremlin has skillfully managed how the Russian public sees this
intervention. Given the woeful state of the economy, Russian leaders have
always been concerned that Syria would come to be viewed as an undue burden,
though victory in Syria would make Russians happy. Specialists interpret the
Kremlin's decision in March to announce a significant reduction of its air
power in Syria as an attempt ''to cash-out the political gains at home and
recast the war in the public's mind''.
Western expectations of political peril for President Putin have, so far,
simply not been realized. Rather than a prolonged campaign, Russia's combat
operations have become the new normal. Those expecting Russian support behind
Vladimir Putin to collapse, either over Ukraine, or Syria, or the economy,
have thus far been proven wrong. The Kremlin is demonstrably more adept at
securing public approval, or apathy, than commonly acknowledged in the West.
But the overall level of casualties appears to have been limited, and news of
combat deaths (like those among Russian forces in eastern Ukraine) is
restricted another reason why there has been no domestic backlash against
the Syrian adventure.
By its own standards, Russia's intervention in Syria has been a success on
several levels. The real question is whether this situation can last. Put it
another way, is there any clear exit strategy for Russia that might enable it
to bank its gains and end its losses?
Russia's strategic goals are vague. The exit strategy, if there is one appears
rooted in strengthening the fighting power of the Syrian army and securing
some long-term political settlement that demonstrates Russia has returned as a
great power. The ''strategic impact'' of Russia's intervention still remains
in doubt. ''Such gains are readily lost and can prove illusory,'' an expert
says. The Syrian army remains a shambles, Iran is attached to Assad, while
Russia is more interested in the grander game with the USA. And without a
political settlement to secure them, these accomplishments can vaporize, as
Russian patience and resources become exhausted. Russian leadership knows that
this could take years and would rather cut a deal while possessing the
military advantage with USA. .
Aleppo was once a place of culture and commerce, with a jewel of an old city
that was on Enesco's list of world heritage sites. Now, the five-year civil
war that rages in Syria has left much of it destroyed and divided roughly in
two, with President Bashar al-Assad's forces controlling the west and the
rebels the east. A month ago, government forces re-imposed a siege on the
east, and launched an all-out assault to take full control of the city,
accompanied by an intense and sustained aerial bombardment.
Activists say the offensive has left hundreds of civilians dead, but the
government and its ally Russia have denied targeting them and blamed rebel
fighters for operating in residential areas. But what about the 275,000 people
who are trapped there? Where are they getting their food from? Do they have
enough water and medicine?
In August, the UN Children's Fund (Unicef) estimated that 35,000 people were
internally displaced inside eastern Aleppo, some of whom were in official
shelters run in abandoned buildings, others staying with family or friends,
and still others sleeping outdoors in parks and streets. Not many will have
been able to leave since then and it is likely that the number of people not
sleeping in their own homes has gone up. And even those who are still at home
know they are not safe. People are saying there is no safe place to go. There
may be many who are staying in places that they don't consider being adequate
but they're staying anyway.
Nearly half the people who live in besieged Aleppo are under the age of 18.
Many of their schools have closed or moved. Some of the buildings have been
bombed, while others are being used as shelters for displaced people, or
fighters in the conflict are using them for military purposes. It might be
difficult to imagine any child going back to school when bombs are falling.
People are buying water from wells and
privately-owned water tankers, and carrying it home in buckets. Many have
reported that it tastes bad, and there is no guarantee that it is free of
disease. It is hard to say whether anyone has died of hunger in the siege
because with aid agencies unable to get inside, they cannot accurately
diagnose the level of malnutrition.
Many doctors have fled the city as
refugees or been killed in the fighting, and there are just 30 doctors
remaining in eastern Aleppo. Using the UN's estimate for the number of people
trapped there 275,000 that means there is roughly one doctor for every
9,100 people. This in a place that is being bombed every day at least 376
people were killed and 1,266 wounded in the first two weeks of the latest
government's assault, according to the UN.
The places where doctors work have been
repeatedly targeted by government and Russian air strikes, activists and
charities say. The UN says six hospitals are still operating, although they
are only partially functional. Two hospitals have been almost totally
destroyed in the past two weeks, and three doctors and two nurses killed. The
few remaining hospitals are collapsing under a flow of hundreds of wounded
lying in agony on the floors of wards and corridors.
It has long maintained a small naval
base on the Syrian coast and has close ties with the Syrian military, being
its principal arms supplier. Syria had become Moscow's last toe-hold of
influence in the region. It was the fear of this relationship unraveling that
prompted President Vladimir Putin to act.
While it is Russian air power that has been the main focus of news reporting
on the Russian intervention, it is as much the intensified training and
re-equipping of the Syrian army that has also been a crucial factor in helping
to turn around President Assad's fortunes.
Russian forces have been operating in support of the government of President
Bashar al-Assad in Syria for a year. Their impact has been significant. When
they arrived, there were fears that government forces were close to collapse.
This position has largely been reversed. It is the Syrian government while
still fragile that is now on the offensive with a brutal bid to recapture
the whole of the city of Aleppo.
Initially seen by US analysts through the prism of recent Western military
involvements in the region, many pundits were quick to dismiss the Russian
effort as likely to fail. The Russian military, it was said, was not up to
expeditionary warfare. Russia would quickly find itself bogged down in a
Syrian quagmire.
Things have
turned out very differently.
Roger McDermott, senior fellow in Eurasian studies at the Jamestown Foundation
and a long-time watcher of the Russian military says: Western observers
have been generally impressed by Russia's deployment in Syria, mainly
reflecting a sense of disbelief that they proved to be capable of planning,
executing and sustaining such a complex operation and dealing with the
logistical issues involved in supplying forces at great distance from Russia.
But what exactly were Russia's goals in intervening in the first place?
Russia, of course, has had a strategic relationship with Syria going back to
Soviet days.
Observation
USA created all problems in Syria but
now Russia has all diplomatic advantages to win a powerful point over its
nuclear rival America. The siege is pushing people towards starvation and
serfdom.
The Syrian war is creating profound effects far beyond the country's borders.
Lebanon, Turkey, and Jordan are hosting large and growing numbers of Syrian
refugees, many of whom have attempted to journey onwards to Europe in search
of better conditions.
Several rounds of peace talks have failed to stop the fighting. Although a
ceasefire announced in February 2016 has limited fighting in some parts of
Syria, recent government air strikes in Aleppo have prompted uncertainty about
the ceasefire's future. But with much of the country in ruins , millions of
Syrians having fled abroad, and a population deeply traumatized by war, one
thing is certain: Rebuilding Syria after the war ends will be a lengthy,
extremely difficult process.
Syrian war has killed thousands, produced innumerable refugees. As Syria's war
reaches another grim milestone, refugees fleeing the 5-year conflict face
greater hurdles to finding safety while international solidarity with its
victims is failing to match and reflect the scale and seriousness of the
humanitarian tragedy.
UNHCR
provides basic and necessary humanitarian aid for Syrian refugees and helps
the most vulnerable refugees with urgently needed relief including water,
food, medicine, blankets and warm clothes, household items, diapers and
hygiene supplies, and jerry cans.
By its own standards, Russia's
intervention in Syria has been a success on several levels. The real question
is whether this situation can last. Put it another way, is there any clear
exit strategy for Russia that might enable it to bank its gains and end its
losses?
Russia's strategic
goals are vague. The exit strategy, if there is one appears rooted in
strengthening the fighting power of the Syrian army and securing some
long-term political settlement that demonstrates Russia has returned as a
great power. The strategic impact of Russia's intervention still remains in
doubt. Such gains are readily lost and can prove illusory. The Syrian army
remains a shambles; Iran is attached to Assad, while Russia is more interested
in the grander game with the USA. And without a political settlement to secure
them, these accomplishments can vaporize, as Russian patience and resources
become exhausted. Russian leadership knows that this could take years and
would rather cut a deal while possessing the military advantage.
The USA was compelled not just to deal
with Russia as a diplomatic equal but also to shift its own stance towards the
Assad government to one that for all the obfuscation falls well short of
its long-time insistence that President Assad had to go, as the essential
pre-condition for any negotiated settlement.
Not many powers like Israel are happy that the USA has not invaded Iran to
equalize its destruction efforts in Iraq- both Shiite dominated Muslim nations
in West Asia.
Neither the end
of war in Syria nor peace in West Asia is the major concern of USA or Russia,
or UNSC.
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