Iran and the Struggle Caused by Opening Up
14 November 2016
By Abdulrahman Al-Rashed
Three ministers from Hassan Rouhani's government have resigned as a result of
extremists criticising them with regards to the conflict caused by Iran
signing a nuclear agreement with the west and the government's promise to
start a new phase of opening up. Since Ayatollah Khomeini's regime was
established, Iran has been economically and socially closed off from the rest
of the world and this has continued to the present day. After the agreement,
the government gave young people reason to hope that Iran would open up and
showed remarkable flexibility towards freedom of expression, allowed the use
of social media networks, reduced its control over the internet, allowed women
to participate in sports activities in public and attend concerts.
Despite what has been said about the Supreme Leader's approval of the
government's decisions, a struggle for influence broke out between two teams
within the regime; religious extremists on the one hand and the government led
by Rouhani on the other. The Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif has been
subjected to a torrent of insults because of his promises to open up Iran to
the world.
Not only do all the criticism and threats that caused the resignation of the
Ministers of Education, Culture and Sports reflect the intellectual
differences on opening up, but they also show that extremist forces use
religious groups in the struggle for power.
The Revolutionary Guards and the religious forces that support it were
surprised when two major banks refused to provide banking services to a group
called Khatam Al-Anbiya which is linked to the Revolutionary Guards. The banks
refused because of a pledge that the government made to international
organisations to implement measures as part of the fight against money
laundering. Ceasing to deal with banned internal organisations is an
international condition for and the price of opening up. This has angered the
most dangerous element of the regime, the Revolutionary Guard, which funds
huge military activities outside of Iran through a series of suspicious
banking operations.
The preacher Ahmad Jannati accused the Rouhani government of ''wanting to
provide enemies with our financial and bank details in the name of combatting
money laundering and funding terrorism''. A government spokesman replied by
saying that this subject should not be discussed in newspapers or from the
pulpits of mosques. This means that the intense internal pressure on Rouhani's
government is not caused by the opening up of society, international women's
sports teams visiting and playing with Iranian teams and both women and women
attending concerts. Rather, it seems that they are excuses used to put
pressure on Rouhani's government to end its international commitments.
There is a power struggle between two groups in Iran; Rouhani's group that is
described as representing religious liberalism, and radical clerics in the
Supreme Leader's court. The Supreme Leader does not seem to have made his
decision yet as he wants to benefit from the nuclear deal with the west to
break the embargo by buying 400 American and European aircrafts and procuring
oil production technology from the United States. At the same time, he wants
to control Iran, prevent opening up and protect his security and religious
institutions from international supervision.
It is clear that the Leader is watching and waiting for what western trade
with Iran will lead to, especially after the US elections which the Leader
described as being ''between bad and worse''. If the next administration in
Washington fulfils the promises of the current administration, it is likely
that Iran will resort to mixed solutions with few changes. It will curtail
opening up and continue its illegal military and financial operations in the
region.
However, if it turns out that the elected US administration will insist on
testing Iran's promises and cooperating with it according to whether it
implements its promises, then the Leader may bury the agreement. It is also
likely that he will not extend the presidency of Rouhani which ends in less
than ten months.
Al Rashed is the general manager of Al -Arabiya television. He is also the
former editor-in-chief of Asharq Al- Awsat, and the leading Arabic weekly
magazine, Al Majalla. He is also a senior Columnist in the daily newspapers of
Al Madina and Al Bilad. He is a US post-graduate degree in mass
communications. He has been a guest on many TV current affairs programs. He is
currently based in Dubai.
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EsinIslam.Com
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