Victory Under Threat In Syria: A Handful Of Drones Reignited The Debate Over The Obstacles
25 January 2018By Ghassan Charbel
It is not enough to declare your victory. It remains incomplete if the other
side does not announce its defeat. Often, it only takes a small jab to remind
a heavyweight boxer that the fight did not end with a knockout and that the
staggering adversary was still capable of ruining the party and causing
injury.
It is likely that Vladimir Putin felt bitter when he received the reports. The
drone wave that targeted his forces' bases in Hmeimim and Tartus was annoying
and embarrassing. A handful of drones, operated by regular technology, managed
to confuse the Russians. Such a small operation is not enough to change the
rules of the game, but it helped reveal that the fortress can be breached and
flaws can be found in the mighty Russian military system. A minor incident
exposed the weakness of the measures taken by the major power. The message is
clear and it is that the war is not over yet.
Russia exonerated Turkey from the incident. It is difficult to imagine that
Turkey would at the moment embark on such an adventure. It paid a heavy price
in the past when one of its pilots dared to challenge a Russian jet. It was
forced to change its policy and choices.
Moscow tried to imply that the drone operation was backed by the US, but
Washington was quick to categorically deny it. Some speculate that an
opposition faction wanted to remind Russia that the war was still on and open
to many more rounds, despite the change in the balance of power brought about
by Moscow's military intervention.
The worst part of the incident was that it took place less than a month after
Putin declared his victory in Syria. He believed that the mission was complete
and started to withdraw some of his forces. The regional and international
scene appeared rosy to the czar and there was no counter-project in Syria. The
majority of regional and international forces dealt with the Russian solution
as a fait accompli. Many powers also believed the Russian solution to be the
only realistic way to curb Iran's role. The US itself seemed ready to accept
the Russian success in Syria if it served to limit Iran's role.
Putin was not worried about the upcoming March presidential elections, which
in reality is nothing more than a referendum given that he has no real
competitor running against him. He however was deliberate in announcing the
victory in order to prop up his image of a skilled leader. Syria did not
become his Vietnam. At the lowest possible cost, he succeeded in orchestrating
a major reversal that restored Russia's dignity and standing. All this has
taken place at a time when the US has been embroiled in Twitter wars, Angela
Merkel is struggling to form a government and Theresa May is laboring with the
divorce from the European Union.
Sometimes, a surprise comes when you least expect it. A handful of drones
reignited the debate over the obstacles hindering the real Russian victory in
Syria. The real victory is when you protect your field wins with a permanent
political solution that allows you to seriously say that the war is over.
The reality says that the Russian solution in Syria is no cakewalk. The
calculations being weighed at the Astana talks that include Russia, Iran and
Turkey contrast with each other. Iran, for example, believes itself to be a
main partner in the victory that was achieved in Syria. It believes that the
Russian air force could not have changed the course of the war without the
role the Iran-backed militias had played on the ground. Turkey has other
interests in mind. Its main concern is to deal a fatal blow to the Kurdish
People's Protection Units (YPG). President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has given the
YPG in Afrin a week to surrender or face his forces. More than that, Turkey
had demanded that Russia and Iran fulfill their past commitments over the
Syrian regime violations in "de-escalation" zones, especially in Idlib. Iran,
meanwhile, accepts nothing less than the Assad regime being restored to what
it was before the war. Turkey has absolutely no interest in seeing that
happen.
Russia has an actual interest in appearing as the peacemaker in Syria. It does
not want to stay in a country that is witnessing an endless war. It is however
finding difficulty in providing even the most basic conditions for a solution
that appears rather superficial. The regime that had during the most difficult
times of the war never shown an inclination to make concessions is unlikely to
do so now when the worst is behind it. The regime can at any rate occasionally
rely on the hardline Iranian stance or at least use it as an excuse. It is no
secret that a solution that redistributes power, even proportionally, among
all players will not in the long-term be in Iran's interest.
Moscow has done all it has in its power to speed up imposing a solution in
Syria. It exerted extraordinary efforts to deplete the essence of the Geneva
peace talks. It also exerted extraordinary efforts to impose changes within
the opposition body involved in the negotiations. The recent days revealed
however the extent of the challenges facing Moscow. The United Nations has not
shied away from voicing its opposition to the Sochi talks and attempts to
undermine Geneva. Washington itself appears to be backtracking and adopting a
more hardline approach, even if at this point this stance is limited to
rejecting any solution in Syria that favors Iran. The Europeans appear to be
more inclined to confront Iran's destabilizing policies, despite their
commitment to their nuclear deal with it. Israel, meanwhile, appears to be
more skeptical than ever of Russia's ability to stave off Iran-backed militias
from its border and has therefore intensified its air strikes in Syria.
Clearest of all is Russia's growing difficulty in finding a middle ground
between the demands of regional and international players in Syria. The
lowering of the expectations over the Russian solution may pave the way for
other options that may prolong the war, which ISIS' defeat demonstrated was
much more complicated than many previously expected. Reaching the final
victory in Syria is difficult. As long as a political solution is missing,
each military victory will remain vulnerable.
Ghassan Charbel is the editor-in-chief of Asharq Al-Awsat newspaper
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